By
Matthew
Russell Lee
UNITED
NATIONS, December
5 - Seventeen
days after the
General
Assembly
resolution
urging the
referral of
the Democratic
People's
Republic of
Korea to the
International
Criminal Court
was adopted
with 111 in
favor, 19
against and 55
abstaining,
ten UN
Security
Council
council
members on
December 5
asked for a
Council
meeting on the
subject.
Inner City
Press has
obtained the
letter and puts
it online,
here.
The request,
by
Australia,
Chile, France,
Jordan,
Lithuania,
Luxembourg,
the Republic
of Korea,
Rwanda,
the United
Kingdom of
Great Britain
and Northern
Ireland and
the United
States of
America, is to
put DPRK on
the Council's
agenda. For
this, there is
no opportunity
to veto,
unlike on any
referral to
the
International
Criminal
Court.
Sources
tell Inner
City Press
such a meeting
might be
December 18,
just before
the Council
suspends for
the Christmas
holiday on
December 22.
In January,
there are five
new members on
the Council:
Venezuela,
Angola,
Malaysia,
Spain and New
Zealand.
Back on
November 18 in
the UN's Third
Committee
India said, in
the fast
transcription
Inner City
Press
published that
day, "We have
abstained on
the vote. We
had voted in
favor of the
Cuban
amendment. One
of the main
reason for
India being
unable to sign
on to the ICC
is that this
doesn't allow
the court to
be free from
political
interference.
The Security
Council has
the power to
refer, the
power to
block, and the
power to refer
non-state
parties. No
state can be
forced to be
bound by a
treaty it has
not accepted.
The Rome
Statute
violates
international
law. It gives
state parties
the power to
refer
non-state
parties. OP 7
and OP 8
represent the
very reasons
against our
joining the
statute.It is
unfortunate
that matters
on human
rights have
been taken to
a vote."
Earlier,
after Cuba's
proposed
amendment was
voted down,
with 40 in
favor, 77
against and 50
abstaining,
DPRK itself
spoke. Here is
a fast
transcription:
We
express
profound to
all
delegations
that supported
the amendment
this morning.
"Regarding the
draft
resolution,
the DPRK
rejects the
draft
resolution. It
is a product
of political
and military
confrontation
with no
relevance to
human rights.
The EU and
Japan
submitted the
resolution
based on the
reports of the
Commission of
Inquiry, which
has never been
to the country
at all. The
reports of the
CoI is only
based on
fabricated
testimonies of
a handful of
people who
fled the
country,
abandoning
their loved
ones. The
report is a
compilation of
groundless
political
accusations.
We have
maintained a
position of
rejecting
confrontation
and giving
priority to
dialogue and
cooperation.
The EU and
Japan chose to
provoke
confrontation.
The draft
fails to
reflect
reality on the
ground. Some
member states
of the EU and
Japan hastily
included dirty
materials as
leaflets flown
by defectors.
We do not feel
any need to
appeal to
anyone to come
and see the
reality of our
country, where
politics and
social system
are all for
the people.
The Eu and
Japan
disclosed that
the goal was
subservience
and sycophancy
to the US and
hostility to
the DPRK from
the outset,
thus closing
the door to
doalogue.
"We shall
strongly
respond
without
slightest
tolerance to
any attempt to
abuse the
human rights
issue as a
tool for
eliminating
the social
system of the
DPRK. There is
a hostile
policy pursued
by the US
against the
DPRK with a
view to
eliminating
the social
system of the
country by
means of
force. The US
instigated its
followers to
accuse us of
crimes against
humanity. The
US unleashed a
war in
Yugoslavia,
claiming to
prevent crimes
against
humanity. It
is now clear
that all
crimes of
aggression
committed by
the US are
linked to the
vicious human
rights
campaign. We
need to
maintain
powerful state
capability to
defend our
people and
their human
rights.
"This
compels us not
to refrain any
further from
conducting
nuclear tests.
In light of
the human
rights
campaign we
shall keep in
our hearts
pride and
honor about
the socialist
system which
was chosen by
our people
.The current
draft
resolution is
confrontational
in nature and
will result in
serious
consequences.
We wish to
request a
recorded vote
and will vote
against it. We
encourage the
representatives
of the UN
member states
to vote
against this
confrontational
resolution."
Before
the vote on
Cuba's
amendment,
South Africa
spoke in
support of the
amendment,
fast
transcription
here:
"We
take the floor
to support the
Cuban proposal
for the
amendments of
this res, in
matters of
principles. We
agree with the
views
expressed,
that this
resolution is
not balanced.
The proposal
Cuba is making
would balance.
We support the
view Cuba
raises about
the dangerous
precedent, as
well as
referring
matters to the
Security
Council that
do not belong
in the realm
of the
Security
Council.
"The
Security
Council can
deal with any
other matter
in the world,
without having
the General
Assembly urge
it to do so.
We find the
res to be
contradictory.
There is a
reference to
the DPRK
having gone
through the
UPR, but in
the Operative
Paragraph, the
first OP
condemns the
longstanding
violations in
the DPRK. We
find that to
be a
contradiction....
We will
support the
Cuban
proposal."
Here is a fast
transcription
of what the
Cuba
representative
said:
I
would like to
note that on
the webpage
there is a
text in which
we request
that only the
initial part
of our
amendment be
maintained.
The rest of
the text will
be eliminated.
This had been
included in
the resolution
but we wish to
maintain only
the first
part.
This does not
necessarily
reflect human
rights in the
DPRK. Cuba has
maintained a
clear position
on this matter
and will vote
against the
resolution. We
are not trying
to prevent the
SC from
looking at the
report of the
Commission of
Inquiry.
Rather, Cuba
is taking a
position of
principle. A
number of
delegations
referred to
the trigger
mechanism,
whereby the
Human Rights
Council is
turning in to
a tool used by
some countries
to attack
others.
Countries for
which dialogue
is not
interesting,
countries that
don't want to
promote human
rights or
uphold
economic and
social rights.
This
resolution has
been used to
est a pattern
which would
endanger all
developing
countries. It
creates a
procedure
under the
Human Rights
Council
whereby
there's no
debate, the
country in
question isn't
consulted, and
has no chance
to clarify the
situation. It
undermines the
purpose of the
council.
There's been a
call to refer
to the ICC.
All these
proposals will
undermine the
ICC. The ICC
is a tool used
against some
developing
countries,
being used by
more powerful
countries. We
haven't had
time to
explain our
truth, and we
would like to
see a greater
spirit of
cooperation in
terms of
giving the
country in
question a
chance to
clarify.
We're trying
to ensure that
a precedent
isn't being
set. This
would further
damage the
credibility of
the council.
This is
political
manipulation.
We're not
looking for
confrontation.
We believe
where there's
a will to
cooperate,
that will must
be recognized.
We don't want
the situation
to be
exacerbated.
We don't want
to see people
deprived of
sovereignty.
Cuba has taken
a position of
principle.
Every time
attempts are
made to
manipulate the
process, to
use the
council as a
tool, we will
take a stand.
Here was the
full text of
Cuba's
amendment:
Cuba:
amendment to
draft
resolution
A/C.3/69/L.28
Situation of
human rights
in the
Democratic
People’s
Republic
of Korea
Delete
operative
paragraphs 7
and 8 and
insert a new
operative
paragraph 7
reading as
follows:
Decides to
adopt a new
cooperative
approach to
the
consideration
of human
rights in the
Democratic
People’s
Republic of
Korea that
will enable:
(a) the
establishment
of dialogues
by
representatives
of the
Democratic
People’s
Republic of
Korea with
States and
groups of
States
interested in
the issue; (b)
the
development of
technical
cooperation
between the
Office of the
United Nations
High
Commissioner
for Human
Rights and the
Democratic
People’s
Republic of
Korea; and (c)
the visit of
the Special
Rapporteur on
the situation
of human
rights in the
Democratic
People’s
Republic of
Korea to the
country;
In the Third
Committee on
November 17,
others
disassociated
themselves
from the
portions of
the Human
Rights
Council's
resolution on
their
country-specific
mandates,
including Iran
and Eritrea,
which also
argued that
Norway had
erroneously
stated that
the African
Group
supported the
mandate
against it.
There
was a dispute
when
Mauritania
tried to
present as the
African
Group's
statement on
the report of
the Human
Rights Council
a text that
after
challenged it
admitted South
African had
not agreed to.
We'll have
more on this.
On
North Korea,
as Inner City
Press reported
on November 4,
here, a
wider range of
countries have
expressed
concern to the
European Union
and Japan
about not only
the ICC
language, but
also a
reference to
the
Responsibility
to Protect.
While these
countries may
not constitute
the majority
to derail the
proposal, if
an amendment
along the
lines of their
concerns is
proposed, the
waters will be
clouded. This
should be next
week.
On November 8
the US
announced that
the Democratic
People
Republic of
Korea released
U.S. citizens
Kenneth Bae
and Matthew
Todd Miller,
held for two
years and
seven months,
respectively.
The US State
Department
said "We also
want to thank
our
international
partners,
especially our
Protecting
Power, the
Government of
Sweden, for
their tireless
efforts to
help secure
the freedom of
Mr. Bae and
Mr. Miller.
The Department
of State
reiterates our
strong
recommendation
against all
travel by U.S.
citizens to
the DPRK."
This comes
amid talk that
the proposed
referral of
North Korean
human rights
to the UN
Security
Council for
follow-on
referral to
the
International
Criminal Court
might be
traded away
for a visit.
Some are
opposing the
ICC language
on other
grounds, Inner
City Press has
learned.
Some
non-aligned
countries have
told the
resolution's
co-sponsors
the European
Union and
Japan that
they do not
favor the
language on
the ICC, nor
on the
Responsibility
to Protect,
these sources
exclusively
tell Inner
City Press.
More recently
Inner City
Press has
heard from
sources not
sponsoring the
resolution
that an
amendment will
be offered to
strip out the
ICC and other
language, but
may not pass.
And now?
Meanwhile, the
Security
Council's
president for
November Gary
Quinlan of
Australia
indicated on
November 4
that some of
his colleagues
in the Council
-- certainly
not all -
think the
Security
Council can
directly
consider the
question of
referring
North Korea to
the ICC. Is
the position
based on
guessing there
would not be a
veto? Or to
work around a
loss of
momentum in
the General
Assembly's
Third
Committee?
We'll continue
on this.
The
draft in
Operative
Paragraph 7
"Encourages
the Security
Council to
consider the
relevant
conclusions
and
recommendations
of the
commission of
inquiry and
take
appropriate
action,
including
through
consideration
of referral of
the situation
in the
Democratic
People’s
Republic of
Korea, to the
International
Criminal
Court; and
consideration
of the scope
for effective
targeted
sanctions
against those
who appear to
be most
responsible
for crimes
against
humanity."
The drafters
note that this
language is
"BASED ON OP 7
HRC25/25+ OP10
68/182 SYRIA
INT. CRIM.
JUSTICE MECH.
REFERRAL."
The draft also
"expresses its
very deep
concern at the
precarious
humanitarian
situation in
the country,
which could
rapidly
deteriorate
owing to
limited
resilience to
natural
disasters and
to government
policies
causing
limitations in
the
availability
of and access
to food." UN
humanitarian
official John
Ging recently
told the press
how
under-funded
the UN's aid
appeal for
DPRK is.
A US'
September 23
event was at
the Waldorf
Astoria. The
speakers were
the US' Robert
King, then John
Kerry,
then an
articulate
escapee, the
foreign
ministers of
South Korea
and Japan and
finally UN
High
Commissioner
for Human
Rights Prince
Zeid of
Jordan.
Afterward
Inner City
Press asked
Zeid if it was
he who brought
the blue UN
flag to the
event which
was not in the
UN and did not
play by the UN
rules of
"right of
reply." He
laughed,
graciously.
The bombing
in Syria had
begun only the
night before.
Back on August
25 when North
Korean deputy
ambassador Ri
Tong Il held a
UN press
conference
inside the UN,
he described
his
government's
August 18
letter to the
UN Security
Council
requesting an
emergency
meeting about
the US - South
Korean joint
military
exercises,
Ulchi Freedom
Guardian.
On August 20,
the Democratic
People's
Republic of
Korea's first
letter arose
in Security
Council
consultations.
As
Inner City
Press reported
that day, the
Council's
president for
August Mark
Lyall Grant of
the UK said
that China had
raised the
issue of the
letter, asking
for other
members'
views. He said
no further
action or
consideration
of the letter
is expected.
After Ri Tong
Il on August
25 said no
response had
been received,
Inner City
Press asked
him if, beyond
what Lyall
Grant said at
the stakeout,
a formal
letter should
have been
sent.
Citing a US
military web
site which
lists 10 other
countries
involved in
UFJ, including
the UK and
France, Inner
City Press
what about the
other
countries in
the joint
military
exercises, are
they just a
fig leaf?
Ri Tong Il
answered the
second
question first
saying that
the US never
gives troup
numbers, and
that every
time the US is
talking about
troops, under
pretext of
exercise they
bring in
nuclear
weapons,
aircraft
carrier George
Washington,
B52, Tomahawk
missiles. And
they have all
related
weapons. And
now concerning
number of
troops, over
half a
million. You
can see, they
are ready to
move at any
time. With
full capacity.
Plus, over
40,000
civilian
population of
South Korea.
This is a full
scale war
exercise and
the word
ewcercise is
not proper
one. They are
fully ready
since they
have been
holding them
annually.
On the
letter(s), Ri
Tong Il said
concerning the
response from
the UNSC, we
in the name of
the Permanent
Repressentative
presented a
formal request
addressed to
His Excellency
Grant, and in
established
practice of
protocol
whatever
answer should
be addressed
to us. They’re
not showing
any respect
even for the
protocol. They
should reply.
Inner City
Press
immediately
asked the UK
Mission to the
UN, whose
spokesperson
Iona Thomas
quickly
replied, "On
the letter, it
is my
understanding
that there is
no requirement
to respond to
such requests
in
writing.
As the
Ambassador
said at the
stakeout on
Wednesday,
there was no
support in the
Council for
discussing the
issue."
Perhaps
burying the
lead on August
25 Ri Tong Il
said, "The
entire army of
DPRK is
closely
watching. DPRK
will conduce
the most
powerful
pre-emptive
nuclear strike
against the US
since the US
openly
decleared it
would use
so-called
tailored
deterrents. As
long as the US
exposes its
intention to
remove the
government of
Pyongyang, the
DPRK responds
the same way
by making out
conter-actions
on a regular
basis."
Back
on August 1,
Inner City
Press asked Ri
Tong Il if he
had asked for
the letter to
be formally
circulated, or
would North
Korea take it
to the General
Assembly?
Ri
Tong Il
replied that
it is not a
question of
approaching
individual
countries, but
a formal
request to the
Security
Council. Inner
City Press
inquired with
the mission of
Rwanda, July's
president, and
got a copy of
the letter and
the response
that there was
no consensus
for holding
the requested
emergency
meeting. Inner
City Press has
put
the letter
online here.
Also, at the
bottom of this
page is a fast
transcript of
the press
conference, by
Inner City
Press &
the Free UN
Coalition for
Access.
Inner
City Press
also asked Ri
Tong Il for an
update on his
mission's announcement
thirteen
months ago
that it sought
the end of the
so-called “UN
Command” in
South Korea.
Ri Tong Il
said his
country
remains
opposed to it:
On UN
command, the
DPRK is
consistently
insisting on
the
dismantling of
UN Command in
South Korea.
This is a UN
body but not
under the
direction of
the UN, it is
not under the
approval of
its budget. If
you look at
the inside
nature, 100
percent US
troops. This
is a typical
example of
position of
power by the
US. It should
be dismantled.
And we are
raising it to
the UN on a
regular basis.
Later
on August 1
Inner City
Press asked
Stephane
Dujarric, the
spokesman for
Secretary
General Ban
Ki-moon, if
Ban has
received North
Korea's letter
complaining
about the Seth
Rogen film
“The
Interview.”
(Inner City
Press has commented
on the letter,
here.).
Dujarric said
the letter has
been received,
but Ban has no
response.
Ban,
of course, was
South Korea's
foreign
minister. His
c.v. or biography,
including
for a recent
op-ed about
Haiti
(where the UN
brought
cholera and then
has dodged
accountability),
states that
Ban previously
served as
“Director of
the UN’s
International
Organizations
and Treaties
Bureau.”
Other
iterations
say he was
director of
the “UN’s
International
Organizations
and Treaties
Bureau in
South Korea,
Seoul” (here).
So was that
really a UN
(or “UN's”)
agency? Or is
is like the UN
Command? Watch
this site.
Footnote:
In
Ri Tong Il's
press
conference,
the UN
Correspondents
Association
demanded the
first
question, and
gave it to a
representative
of a media
from Japan -
another
representative
of which took
a second
question,
before other
media got even
one. While
both are
genial, this
is how UNCA, a/k/a
the
UN's
Censorship
Alliance,
works.
The
new Free
UN Coalition
for Access
is opposed to
any set-asides
or automatic
first
questions.
Also, despite
the continued
censorship
of the
question,
the Free UN
Coalition for
Access
believes that
at a minimum
the UN
should
disclose “in
kind” (or
gift) private
jet travel for
Ban Ki-moon
paid for by a
state.
We'll have
more on this. Watch
this site.