In
DRC, Kerry
Says Thinks
Kabila Has
Plan to End
FDLR, Won't
Say When
By
Matthew
Russell Lee
UNITED
NATIONS, May
4, more
background here
-- After US
Secretary of
State John
Kerry met with
Congolese
president
Joseph Kabila,
he said he
thought Kabila
has a timeline
to belatedly
go after and
neutralize the
Hutu FDLR
militia. But,
he said, it
would be
inappropriate
for him to
talk about it.
Kabila's
government,
and therefore
UN
Peacekeeping
led by Herve
Ladsous,
has continued
to say it
would
neutralize the
FDLR after
this was done
to the M23.
But then the
ADF-NALU came
first, and the
commander of
the Force
Intervention
Brigade went
back to
Tanzania.
Excuses have
been made
about the FDLR
being
differently
configured
than the M23,
about the
drones Ladsous
pushed through
for the UN in
the Congo
being less
useful with
the FDLR than
the M23.
Ladsous has
repeatedly refused to answer Press questions
about the FLDR,
just as he refused to answer questions about the
November 2012
mass rapes in
Minova by
Kabila's army.
So: when?
Here in
fairness is
Kerry's
lengthy
statement on
the FDLR, and
a possible
third term for
Kabila (full
US transcript
here)
With
respect
to the
election
process, the
constitution,
and the FDLR,
we want to see
the process of
providing
stability and
completing the
task of
disarming the
armed groups
in the east
completed. So
that includes
not just the
completion of
the efforts
with the ADF,
but also
obviously,
indeed making
sure that the
FDLR is held
accountable
and that the
initiative
with respect
to them will
commence.
The
president
– we did
discuss it.
The president
made it clear
that he
intends to do
that, and I
think that
there is a
schedule. I
don’t want to
discuss it
because I
think it would
be
inappropriate
to do so. But
the answer is
the president
gave his word
that that is
not just on
the agenda,
but that he
has a specific
process in
mind and
timing.
And
with
respect to the
constitutional
process, we
talked about
the election.
I believe the
president’s
legacy is a
legacy that is
very important
for the
country, and
that he has an
opportunity,
which he
understands,
to be able to
put the
country on a
continued path
of democracy.
And I believe
it is clear to
him that the
United States
of America
feels very
strongly, as
do other
people, that
the
constitutional
process needs
to be
respected and
adhered to.
That’s how you
strengthen a
country.
I
have no doubt
that President
Kabila’s
legacy will be
defined by the
progress he
has made in
the –
particularly
the last year
in addressing
the security
issues of the
east, the
economic
issues of the
country. And
he’s a young
man with an
enormous
amount of time
to be able to
continue to
contribute to
his country.
And I’m quite
confident that
he will weigh
all of those
issues as he
makes a
decision about
the future.
But
clearly,
the United
States of
America
believes that
a country is
strengthened,
that people
have respect
for their
nation and
their
government,
when a
constitutional
process is
properly
implemented
and upheld by
that
government.
And we
obviously
believe –
we’re a
country with
term limits.
We live by
them. We had
several
hundred years
of
transformation
under that
process, and
we encourage
other
countries to
adhere to
their
constitution.
We note that
the "third
term" issue
exists as well
in Burundi,
on which Inner
City Press has
been reported,
most recently
here.
We'll have
more on that.
Back in March
after the UN's
Democratic
Republic of
the Congo
mission
MONUSCO was
extended one
year, with a
reference to
the 1994 "genocide
against the
Tutsi in
Rwanda, during
which Hutu and
others who
opposed the
genocide were
also killed,"
it was UN
Security
Council
pen-holder Gerard
Araud of
France who
came first to
speak to the
media.
While Araud
has resisted
Press
questions
following
articles
comparing the
treatment of a
French
diplomat to a
more recent
Indian case,
on March 28 he
answered two
Press
questions, in
his way. So we
note it.
As soon as
Araud finished
his prepared
remarks,
apparently
written by his
spokesperson
Frederic Jung,
Inner City
Press asked of
something
Rwanda
Permanent
Representative
Gasana said,
calling on the
Security
Council to
ensure
accountability
in
implementation
of the mandate
-- to
neutralize the
Hutu FDLR.
Inner City
Press asked
Araud how the
Council - on
which France
is a Permanent
member - would
ensure this,
and why after
the M23, the
Mission went
after the ADF
before the
Hutu FDLR.
Araud answered
dismissively,
but he
answered,
calling it a
military and
not a
political
question. Many
would disagree
if the
sequencing of
targeting the
Hutu FDLR is
not political,
but it is an
answer, and we
report it.
After that,
the Reuters
bureau chief
was called on
by Jung to ask
about Ukraine
and North
Korea. On the
former, no
mention was
made of
Secretary
General Ban
Ki-moon's
meeting with
the leader of
the Svoboda
Party,
adjudged as
both racist
and
anti-Semitic.
Perhaps as
Svodoba tried
to ban the
video
of it beating
a TV executive,
these findings
too can be
banned.
To
the side, the
former Reuters
bureau chief
was observed
by a member of
the Free UN
Coalition for
Access
cackling
happily that
Araud had been
dismissive of
Inner City
Press' first
question -
this same
scribe began
the March
27 nearly
empty press
conference
about the ICTR
by asking
leadingly
about its
fights with
Paul Kagame.
But no
questions on
MONUSCO?
As a second
question to
Araud, Inner
City Press
asked a simple
one, about the
genocide
language in
the new
resolution
(which Inner
City Press put online after
the vote,
before the UN
or French
mission did,
here.)
Araud said,
correctly,
that it is the
same language
as in
January's
Resolution
2136.
Inner City
Press reported
on that
process in
January:
When
the Democratic
Republic of
the Congo
sanctions
resolution
was adopted by
the UN
Security
Council, 15-0,
Rwanda's
Permanent
Representative
Gasana emerged
from the
Council
chamber. Inner
City Press
asked him
about his DRC
counterpart's
comment that
Gasana was
educated in
the Congo. Video here and embedded below.
Gasana laughed
and said he
was born in
Burundi. He
mused that the
Congolese
might want to
adopt him.
Then he turned
to go.
Wire services
Reuters
and Agence
France-Presse
pursued him to
the esclator,
where Reuters
UN bureau
chief asked
Gasana about
Rwanda being
accused of
supporting the
M23. Gasana
replied that
the DRC has
other
problems, for
example in
Katanga. He
said Rwanda is
a scapegoat
for the DRC's
wider
problems.
Reuters
insisted that
the Group of
Experts
report had
been welcomed
by the
Security
Council
resolution.
"Because they
need that,"
Gasana
replied. "This
is the raison
d'etre
of the
Security
Council."
Nothing was
asked there
about the fight in
the Council on
how to
described the
1994 genocide
and the compromise
language in
the resolution.
AFP's
outgoing
scribe was
there, but
asked nothing.
Nor when the
DRC Permanent
Representative
spoke minutes
later at the
UNTV stakeout,
in French. This is how
the UN works.
An hour later
at the UN's
noon briefing,
Inner City
Press asked
the UN's
acting deputy
spokesperson
Farhan Haq for
an update on any
accountability
for the mass
rapes in
Minova by
units of the
Congolese Army
the UN
supports,
and if UN
Peacekeeping,
led by Herve
Ladsous,
is
investigating
links between
the Congolese
Army and the
FDLR militia.
On this, Haq
said to look
at the
Council's
resolutions. Video here.
In the January
30 resolution,
the language
compromised on
is "the 1994
genocide
against the
Tutsi in
Rwanda, during
which Hutu and
others who
opposed the
genocide were
also killed."
Sources
exclusively
told Inner
City Press
that the
United States
resisted
calling it a
genocide
against the
Tutsi of
Rwanda, even
saying that
there is a US
policy against
referring to
it in this
way.
Inner City
Press has
asked the US
Mission to the
UN for an
explanation.
It was said
one might be
forthcoming
after the
vote.
Where
would such a
US policy be
written down?
It seemed
strange,
particularly
during a time
of Holocaust
events at the
UN, from one
about Hungary
to another
about Albania.
On
January 29,
Inner City
Press asked a
US Council
diplomat, who
said
spokespeople
would be
asked. Inner
City Press was
told to wait
for the
language to be
final, then,
for the vote.
In the
Council's
January 29
debate, the
representative
of the DRC
spoke about
Rwanda and the
M23 rebels.
Rwanda's
Deputy
Permanent
Representative
replied with a
series of
questions: was
it Rwanda who
killed
Lumumba? Was
Rwanda
responsible
for Mobutu?
Who hosted and
failed to
separate the genocidaires from
Rwanda in
1994?
This continued
on January 30
after the
vote.
Rwanda
Permanent
Representative
Gasana said UN
Peacekeeping
should
investigate
links between
the DRC Army
and the FDLR.
The DRC
representative
asked to be
given
specifics
about links
between his
country's army
the FARDC and
the FDLR
militia. The resolution
voted on
provides:
"Noting
with
deep concern
reports
indicating
FARDC
collaboration
with the FDLR
at a local
level,
recalling that
the FDLR is a
group under
United Nations
sanctions
whose leaders
and members
inchide
perpetrators
of the 1994
genocide
against the
Tutsi in
Rwanda, during
which Hutu and
others who
opposed the
genocide were
also killed,
and have
continued to
promote and
commit
ethnically
based and
other killings
in Rwanda and
in the DRC,
and stressing
the importance
of permanently
addressing
this threat"
As
Inner City
Press
exclusively
put online
last June,
some of these
links were
even specified
in the UN
Group of
Experts
report, for
example:
"107.
The Group
interviewed 10
FARDC soldiers
in Tongo, in
North Kivu,
who reported
that FARDC and
FDLR regularly
meet and
exchange
operational
information.
These same
sources stated
that FARDC
soldiers
supplied
ammunition to
the FDLR. Col.
Faida Fidel
Kamulete, the
commander of
FARDC 2nd
battalion of
601st Regiment
based at
Tongo, denied
such
collaboration,
but declared
to the Group
that FARDC and
FDLR do not
fight each
other."
Going further
back, it is
impossible not
to note,
particularly
given the lack
of explanation
or
transparency,
that US
Permanent
Representative
Samantha
Power began
her 2001
article
"Bystanders to
Genocide" in
the Atlantic
with this
sentence: "In
the course of
a hundred days
in 1994 the
Hutu
government of
Rwanda and its
extremist
allies very
nearly
succeeded in
exterminating
the country's
Tutsi
minority."
Given
that, why
would the US
Mission be
saying it had
a policy of
describing the
genocide as
being against
the Tutsi
minority?
Inner City
Press asked
again: Since
I'm told that
the US has
said that
there is a
government
position not
to say the
1994 genocide
was against
the Tutsis,
can you say
what that
policy is? Why
does it exist?
Does it apply
to other
genocides or
atrocities?
As
noted, Inner
City Press also has
pending with
the US State
Department a
number of
requests,
including a
Freedom of
Information
Act request
regarding the
Administration's
Atrocities
Prevention
Board.
A
Rwandan
diplomat told
Inner City
Press these
were Hutu
killed not
because of
their
ethnicity but
because they
opposed the
genocide
against the
Tutsi. "This
is a
precedent,"
the diplomat
said. Watch
this site.
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