Rafah
Shelled,
Mansour in DC,
Ban on IDF
Soldier Captive
UNcorrected
By
Matthew
Russell Lee
UNITED
NATIONS,
August 3, more
here --
The UN's Ban
Ki-moon on
August 1 said
that an
Israeli Defense
Forces soldier
had been taken
hostage and it
called into
question the
credibility of
Hamas.
After the IDF
on August 2
said the
soldier, Hadar
Goldin, had in
fact been killed
in action, Ban
Ki-moon did
not issue any
correction --
even in his
next
statement,
about the
shelling of
the UNRWA
school in
Rafah. Call it
schizophrenia.
Ban's August 1
statement,
into which UN
officials tell
Inner City
Press Ban was
pressured, had
performed its
function. Now
it's back to
auto-pilot.
On NBC's Meet
the Press, the
State of
Palestine's
Permanent
Representative
to the UN
Riyad Mansour
was badgered
by David
Gregory,
notably more
schmoozy than
usual, about
Hamas' use of
human shield.
"Ask Doctors
Without
Borders," Mansour
retorted, and
cited the
shelling of
the Rafah
school.
UN's
function as
figleaf and
theater, Ban
delivers: On
August 1 at
noon in New
York, UN
Secretary General
Ban Ki-moon
through his
spokesman said
that the an Israeli
Defense Forces
soldier had
been taken captive
and that this
called "into
question the
credibility of
Hamas'
assurances to
the United
Nations. The
Secretary-General
demands the
immediate and
unconditional
release of the
captured
soldier."
Later on
August 1, a
range of UN
official
described to
Inner City
Press the pressure
put on Ban to
rule that
Hamas broke
the ceasefire
and held captive
an IDF
soldier.
"How does he
know?" one UN
official
demanded.
Now on August
3, the IDF
says that the
soldier, Hadar
Goldin, "was
killed in
action."
So will there
be a second
Ban Ki-moon
statement?
What will the
pressure be
this time?
At
5:30 pm on
July 31 the UN
announced its
spokesman
Stephane
Dujarric would
read out a
statement,
"for the
cameras," in
its briefing
room. Inner
City Press ran
there but
arrived just
as Dujarric
finished
reading the
ceasefire
statement.
But the first
line said,
"the UN
Representative
in Jerusalem,
Special
Coordinator
Robert Serry,
has received
assurances
that all
parties have
agreed to an
unconditional
humanitarian
ceasefire in
Gaza."
With the
ceasefire in
shambles, that
is dubious.
Now
Haaretz has reported
that Serry
"spoke with
Hamas
leadership in
Gaza."
So on
August 1 Inner
City Press put
two questions
to UN
Department of
Political
Affairs chief
Jeffrey
Feltman.
First, would
he confirm
that Serry
spoke with
Hamas in Gaza?
And second, as
a former - and
future? - US
officials,
does Feltman
think the UN
should at
least disclose
when Ban
Ki-moon
accepts "in
kind" / gifts
such as the
Qatari-funded
private jet he
flew on to
Doha, to
mediate on
Gaza.
Dujarric cut
off this
question to
Feltman,
saying that it
was already
answered. But
there is no
routine
disclosure by
the UN. And
the impact on
the UN's
political role
is obvious,
for example
considering
that this was
the ONLY
question asked
of Ban Ki-moon
in Jerusalem
(the UN
censored it),
and it's been
asked at the
UN Security
Council
stakeout.
Dujarric did
not answer
when asked,
shouldn't
there be
disclosure. He
called it "in
kind" - but is
it subtracted
from what
Qatar owes or
pays the UN in
dues?
Then
Feltman
refused to say
if Serry spoke
with Hamas,
saying that he
wasn't with
Serry. So
Feltman
doesn't know?
Or won't say?
It's one
thing for a
diplomat from
a country to
say, that's
secret. But
since the UN
ostensibly
represents,
works for and
is accountable
at least to
all 193
states, if not
to "we the
peoples," on
what logic are
these things
secret? We'll
have more on
this.
On July 30,
Inner City
Press asked UN
Deputy
Secretary
General Jan
Eliasson about
UN direct
contacts with
Hamas, citing
Ban Ki-moon
accepting
Qatar-funded
private jet
travel to
Doha, and
Eliasson said
"we don’t feel
any need to,
at this stage,
to be in
direct contact
with Hamas." From
the UN's
transcript
(video
here)
Inner
City Press:
Sure, thanks a
lot. Matthew
Lee, Inner
City Press. On
behalf of the
Free UN
Coalition for
Access, thanks
for the
briefing. It
seems like on
this immediate
end of the
fighting, a
sticking point
is whether the
IDF would
remain in Gaza
at all. It
seems like one
of the demands
is that they
leave in order
for there to
be a
cessation. I
want to know
if the UN… not
the whole
golden
formula, but
just on that
one point,
what your
thinking is,
and also,
whether the UN
and
Secretary-General
should reach
out directly
to Hamas. I
know that, you
know, former
OCHA head Jan
Egeland, you
know, he met
with Joseph
Kony, which is
a pretty
extreme
example, but
it seems like
at this point,
given that
speaking with
Mahmoud Abbas
may not
actually
directly
relate to the
rockets that
are being
fired. Is
there any
thought of the
Secretary-General
reaching out
directly to
Hamas
leadership,
especially
since he flew
on this
Qatar-funded
plane to Doha
and could
probably set
up such a
meeting?
What’s your
thinking on
that? Thank
you.
Deputy
Secretary-General:
We have
channels, very
strong
channels,
both, of
course, to
Egypt, which
is working
very closely
with Israel,
but also very
close contacts
with both
Turkey and
Qatar, who
have close
relationships
to Hamas. And
the
Secretary-General
has worked
extremely
intensely with
these
different
actors. And we
hope that the
combined
efforts from
Egypt and
Turkey and
Qatar, and of
course, the
United States,
which has been
working very,
very hard and
very closely
with the
Secretary-General
on the
humanitarian
ceasefire
issue, that
these attempts
will be
successful.
And we hope
that both
sides will
understand
that the
Secretary-General’s
proposals are
still on the
table. They
are always
there. The
Israeli
Security
Cabinet met
yesterday and
I made sure
that
Ambassador
[Ron] Prosor
was aware of
the fact that
the
[Secretary-General’s]
proposal for a
humanitarian
ceasefire,
whether it was
for a week or
24 hours or 72
hours, would
be there and
considered on
the table.
But, we are in
contact
closely with
all the other
actors. So, we
don’t feel any
need to, at
this stage, to
be in direct
contact with
Hamas.
So
what changed?
Or did the
"we" mean only
Ban and his
deputy
Eliasson?
We'll have
more on this.
Earlier on
July 31, after
the UN
Security
Council met
for five
hours, in the
wake of the
shelling of
the UNRWA
school in
Jabalya, what
emerged were
mere "elements
to the press"
- the weakest
form of
Security
Council
action.
The "press
elements"
consist of 77
words, not one
of which is
"school."
Inner City
Press listened
and
transcribed
it:
“Council
members
expressed
their grave
disappointment
that the
messages in
the
Presidential
Statement of
28 July have
not been
heeded. They
reiterated in
the strongest
terms their
expectation
that the PRST
must be
implemented
Council
members called
for an
immediate
unconditional
humanitarian
ceasefire,
that can lead
to a
sustainable
ceasefire,
based upon the
Egyptian
proposal.
Pending this,
Council
members
encouraged the
use of
humanitarian
pauses. They
called on
member states
to donate to
UNRWA's flash
appeal.”
Earlier on
July 31 when
UN Relief and
Works Agency
chief Pierre
Krahenbuhl
called in on
July 31 to
take questions
from the
media, Inner
City Press
asked him to
explain a
sentence from
his earlier
briefing to UN
Security
Council.
Krahenbul told
the Council,
"should
further large
scale
displacements
indeed occur,
the Occupying
Power,
according to
International
Humanitarian
Law, will have
to assume
direct
responsibility
to assist
these people."
Inner City
Press asked
Krahenbuhl to
explain this,
also if UNRWA
is thinking of
seeking
reimbursement
for
destruction
from Israel,
and if he is
aware of the
European Union
seeking
reimbursement
for the
destruction of
EU-funded
projects.
On
reimbursement,
Krahenbuhl
said there is
a precedent,
from
Operations
Cast Lead, but
it is too
early to look
into it on
this,
"Protective
Edge."
While
continuing to
parse
Krahenbuhl's
response on
Occupation,
the general
(assembly)
theory is that
duties as
Occupying
Power were
delegated or
outsourced to
UNRWA when it
was created by
the UN General
Assembly.
It seems the
duties could
be handed
back. But how
would
non-compliance
with or
non-fulfillment
of these
duties be
enforced?
Just
capitalizing
letters in a
legal phrase
doesn't make
it so.
Earlier on
July 31
outside the UN
Security
Council,
Israel's
Ambassador Ron
Prosor and
then the State
of Palestine's
Permanent
Observer Riyad
Mansour took
questions from
the Press.
Inner City
Press asked
Prosor about
Krahenbuhl's
call to end
the blockade
of Gaza.
Prosor replied
that Israel
has no
interest in
being in Gaza
-- what, is
there oil
there, he
asked
rhetorically
-- but cited
and showed
charts of
Hamas rocket
fire, and
tunnels (which
he said are
funded by
Qatar).
Inner City
Press asked
Mansour about
the US
Department of
Defense'
confirmation
of new
ammunition
transfers to
Israel (see
below).
Mansour said
that more
weapons are
not needed; he
said that the
killing of
entire
families would
make peace
much more
difficult to
achieve but
that it should
be strived
for, an
independent
state of
Palestine.
In the UN
Security
Council, the
Gaza issue has
essentially
been delegated
to the US. In
the UN
Security
Council on
July 30,
Nigeria
criticized the
Council's
delay in
issuing even a
Presidential
Statement;
Chad called
the Council
"impotent."
At the end of
Rwandan
presidency
reception
later on July
30, Inner
City Press was
told by more
than one
Council member
that it is all
up to the US.
But, one might
ask, how can a
party
transferring
ammunition be
considering an
honest broker?
Couldn't this
transfer had
been at least
delayed? But
that too would
have been a
story, bigger
than this one,
which Inner
City Press was
notified
was broken by
CNN,
leading to
this
statement:
"The
Department of
Defense
received a
letter of
request from
the Israeli
Ministry of
Defense on
July 20 for a
normal Foreign
Military Sales
delivery of
ammunition.
The
appropriate
DoD activities
processed the
request
through normal
inter-agency
processes,
resulting in a
signed Letter
of Offer and
Acceptance on
July 23.
"Two of the
requested
munitions were
available in
the War
Reserve
Stockpile
Ammunition-Israel
(WRSA-I), on
the ground in
Israel, and
were therefore
delivered to
the Israeli
Defense Force
from this
stockpile.
Both munitions
had been in
WRSA-I stock
for a few
years, well
before the
current
crisis.
All stocks in
WRSA-I, as
required by
law, are "in
excess to U.S.
requirements."
Issuing
munitions from
the WRSA-I
stockpile was
strictly a
sourcing
decision and
White House
approval was
not required.
"The
United States
is committed
to the
security of
Israel, and it
is vital to
U.S. national
interests to
assist Israel
to develop and
maintain a
strong and
ready
self-defense
capability.
This defense
sale is
consistent
with those
objectives."
Thus spake the
US Pentagon,
or at least
its
spokesperson
Kirby. But
what will UN
Security
Council
members say,
at their July
31 session?
Watch this
site.
Back
on July 27-28,
the Security
Council
convened to
adopted a
Presidential
Statement,
below.
Afterward,
Inner City
Press asked
Jordan's
Deputy
Permanent
Representative
why no vote
had been
called the draft
resolution,
if there was
one or more
vetoes or
abstaining
votes that
would block
it.
He said things
haven't
reached that
stage; rather
it was a
matter of
seeing when
the members of
the Council
thought a
resolution
would be
useful to
support of
ceasefire.
Some ask: so
is that the UN
Security
Council's only
function?
Inner City
Press asked
Israel's Ron
Prosor about
the different
drafts leaked
to Haaretz and
Al Jazeera
(which Inner
City Press noted,
here).
Prosor went
wider scope
with his
answer. A
ceasefire did
not sound
closer.
Prosor was
also asked
about Ban
Ki-moon flying
around in a
Qatar-funded
private jet
- a question
on which Inner
City Press first
reported eight
days ago,
and on which
Ban himself
should answer.
Palestine's
Riyad Mansour
cited as a
precedent a
1994 Security
Council
resolution
providing
protecting in
Hebron, by
Norwegians in
white shirts,
he said. He
said he wished
the
Presidential
Statement had
called for
Israel to pull
out of Gaza,
and that he
wished for a
resolution. We
will continue
on this.
Inner City
Press
immediately
inquired and
was informed
it was to
adopt a
Presidential
Statement; the
version below
was provided.
But why not a
resolution?
Why proceeding
so cautiously,
compared most
recently with
the July 21
resolution on
MH17 in
Ukraine?
Earlier, with
even the
“humanitarian
pause” over in
Gaza, the
draft
"framework"
agreement
rejected by
the Israeli
cabinet on
July 25 was
leaked from
both sides.
But the
versions
leaked by each
side were
different.
On Al
Jazeera a one-page
document
was waved
around, which
had Qatar in
the first
paragraph as
one of the
signatories
making
commitments,
which provided
for the
opening of
“border and
non-border”
crossings and
specified
fishing rights
up to 12
nautical
miles, and a
$47 million
commitment by
the US.
In the
“5
pm
Confidential
Draft”
published by
Ha'aretz,
Qatar is the
last paragraph
(without
Egypt),
fishing rights
and the $47
million from
the US are not
specified, nor
are
“non-border”
crossing being
opened.
At
least, the two
sides leaked
different
stages or
versions of
the draft. Or
is there more
to this, in
the spin war
that this
stage of the
Gaza war has
become?
(The drafts
are different;
Al Jazeera is
saying
Ha'aretz stole
its scoop.
There may be
more to this.)
Meanwhile,
silence
at the UN with
the draft
Security
Council
resolution of
Jordan and the
Arab League
not scheduled
for a vote,
and canned
statements
from Secretary
General Ban
Ki-moon, who
after taking a
Qatar-funded
private jet
from New York
to Doha
refused
through his
spokespeople
to answer
Inner City
Press' follow-up
questions on
who paid for
the rest of
his travel.
Watch this
site.
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