Libyan
Rebels
Play “For Outside Patrons,” Uganda Says, Alleging
Colonialism
By
Matthew
Russell Lee
UNITED
NATIONS,
June 15 -- Western countries on the UN Security Council
pushed hard
to keep most of the African Union presentations about
Libya behind closed doors.
Now we know and can report why.
Outside
the closed
door session in the UN's North Lawn building on June 15, a European
Permanent Representative complained to Inner City Press that all
speeches inside were constructive “except Uganda.”
Uganda
was until
December on the Security Council, represented by Ambassador (and
medical doctor) Ruhakana Rugunda. Inner City Press asked Rugunda if
he had called for NATO to stop bombing, and Ruganda indicated that he
had.
Inner
City Press
has now obtained and is publishing Uganda's representative Rugunda's
statement in the Council's closed door meeting on Libya. The
statement goes beyond calling for a ceasefire by NATO -- it says that
the rebels in Libya are playing for external patrons and likens them
to Mobutu in the Congo.
Rugunda
says that
what is happening in Libya is a civil war, not genocide, for which he
gives as examples Rwanda and the Holocaust. He says that both
Gaddafi and the rebels are engaged in war crimes, and cites
positively the “provisional immunity” offered in Burundi.
In
this case, of
course, Gaddafi has already been referred to the International
Criminal Court. Along the margins of the meeting, some Council
members complained that too much power had been given to UN part time
envoy al-Khatib, who hadn't even deigned to come to the June 15
meeting. The Western powers didn't want him to come, it was
speculated. But what is he accomplishing?
Rugunda & Ban, earlier, ceasefire on NATO not shown
Here
is the full
text of Ugandan representative Rugunda's June 15 closed door speech:
HE
Dr
Ruhakana Rugunda, Permanent Representative of Uganda to the United
Nations At A meeting between the UN Security Council and the African
Union High Level Ad hoc Committee on Libya
15th
June,
2011
Mr.
President,
1.
Thank
you for organizing this interactive dialogue. It is good that
the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has met the African Union
(AU) Mediation Committee (High-Level Ad hoc Committee on Libya) so
that we can exchange views on the situation in Libya in a candid and
frank manner. This should have happened much, much earlier because
Libya is a founding member of the AU. An attack on Libya or any
other member of the African Union without express agreement by the AU
is a dangerous provocation that should be avoided given the good,
relaxed international situation in the last 20 years since the
release of Nelson Mandela from jail and the eventual freedom of South
Africa.
2.
The
UN is on safer ground if it confines itself on maintaining
international peace and deterring war among member states.
3.
Intervening
in internal affairs of States should be avoided except
where there is proof of genocide or imminent genocide as happened in
Rwanda or against the Jews in Germany and the European Countries that
were occupied by the Third Reich.
4.
There
are differences on the issue of Libya as to whether there was
proof of genocide or intended genocide. Fighting between Government
troops and armed insurrectionists is not genocide. It is civil war. It
is the attack on unarmed civilians with the aim of exterminating
a particular group that is genocide – to exterminate the genes of
targeted groups such as the Jews, Tutsis, etc. It is wrong to
characterize every violence as genocide or imminent genocide so as to
use it as a pretext for the undermining of the sovereignty of States.
Certainly, sovereignty has been a tool of emancipation of the
peoples of Africa who are beginning to chart transformational paths
for most of the African countries after centuries of predation by the
slave trade, colonialism and neo- colonialism. Careless assaults on
the sovereignty of African Countries are, therefore, tantamount to
inflicting fresh wounds on the destiny of the African peoples. If
foreign invasions, meddlings, interventions, etc, were a source of
prosperity, then, Africa should be the richest continent in the world
because we have had all versions of all that: slave trade,
colonialism and neo-colonialism. Yet, Africa has been the most
wretched on account of that foreign meddling.
5.
Whatever
the genesis of the intervention by NATO in Libya, the AU
called for dialogue before the UN resolutions 1970 and 1973 and after
those Resolutions. Ignoring the AU for 3 months and going on with
the bombings of the sacred land of Africa has been high-handed,
arrogant and provocative. This is something that should not be
sustained or repeated. To a discerning mind, such a course is very
dangerous. It is unwise for certain players to be intoxicated with
technological superiority and begin to think that they alone can
alter the course of human history towards greater freedom for the
whole of mankind. Certainly, no constellation of states should
think that they can recreate hegemony over Africa.
6.
The
safer way is to use the free gift God gave us – the ability to
talk – in order to solve all problems.
7.
The
UN or anybody acting on behalf of the UN must be neutral in
relation to the internal affairs of states. Certainly, that should
be the case with respect to the African countries. The UN should
not take sides in a civil war, for instance, in an African country. The
UN should promote dialogue, reconciliation, the peaceful
resolution of conflicts, and help in enforcing agreements arrived at
after negotiations such as the agreement on the Sudan.
8.
Regardless
of the genesis of the Libyan problem, the correct way
forward now is dialogue without pre-conditions. The demand by some
countries that Colonel Muammar Gadaffi must go first before the
dialogue is incorrect. Whether Gadaffi goes or stays is a matter
for the Libyan people to decide. It is particularly wrong when the
demand for Gadaffi’s departure is made by outsiders.
9.
In
order for dialogue, without pre-conditions, to take place, we need
a ceasefire in place that should be monitored by the AU troops among
others. This will help the AU to confirm the veracity of the
stories of Gadaffi killing civilians intentionally.
10.
That
dialogue should agree on the way forward in the direction of
introducing competitive politics. Gadaffi thinks that he has the
most democratic system in the world of people’s authority –
elected local committees. Since so much chaos in Libya has emerged
on the issue, Gadaffi should see the wisdom of accepting competitive
democracy. Gadaffi cannot ignore the fact that the rebels took over
Benghazi and his authority melted away before NATO came in to confuse
the picture. The pre-NATO uprising in Benghazi was, mainly,
internal. Gadaffi may say that they were organized by Al Qaeda. Even if
that is so, it is a fact that a sizeable body of the Libyans
in Benghazi threw out Gadaffi’s authority or it melted away. Therefore,
Gadaffi must think of and agree to reforms, resulting into
competitive politics.
11.
A
transitional mechanism could, then, be worked out and elections –
competitive elections – would take place after an agreed timetable.
12.
What
about security for the opposition members? We have plenty of
experience on such issues. What did we do in Burundi? We provided
a protection force (a brigade) for the Hutu leaders who were living
outside Burundi or were in the bush. One of them is now the
President of Burundi after winning democratic elections.
13.
How
about those who are alleged to have committed war crimes –
including Gadaffi and the rebels? Again, our decision in Burundi is
useful here. We used the concept of “immunité provisoire”, -
provisional immunity – for all the stakeholders so that they could
participate in the dialogue. After peace is realized, then a Truth
and Reconciliation body could be set up to look into these matters.
After democratic elections, trials of those that are guilty can take
place.
14.
Long
term safety of every body can be ensured by security sector
reform and especially reform of the army, so that it takes orders
from any elected President.
15.
The
intervention in Libya was premised on the basis of protecting
civilians and preventing further civilian deaths. civilians and
preventing further civilian deaths. However, the humanitarian
situation in Libya remains serious and continues to get worse with
continued hostilities. Looking at how resolutions 1970 and 1973 are
being implemented, the international community and the United Nations
in particular, are being severely put to the test, as what is
happening in Libya will undermine future efforts of the United
Nations in the protection of civilians. There is, therefore, no need
for any war-like activities in Libya because there is a peaceful,
risk-free way forward. There has been no need for these war
activities for many weeks now – ever since Gadaffi accepted
dialogue when the AU mediation Committee visited Tripoli on the 10th
April, 2011. Any war activities after that have been nothing but
provocation for Africa. It is totally unnecessary war. It must
stop.
16.
The
story that the rebels cannot engage in dialogue unless Gadaffi
goes away does not convince us. If they do not want dialogue, then,
let them fight their war with Gadaffi without NATO bombing. Then,
eventually, a modus vivendus will emerge between the two parties or
one of them will be defeated. The attitude of the rebels shows us
the danger of external involvement in internal affairs of African
countries. The externally sponsored groups neglect dialogue as well
as building internal consensus and, instead, concentrate on winning
external patrons. This cannot be in the interest of that country.
Mobutu’s Congo as well as performance of all the other neo-colonies
of Africa in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and their eventual collapse in
the 1990s prove that foreign sponsored groups are of no value to
Africa.
17.
It
is essential that the United Nations Security Council works with
the African Union to ensure that a ceasefire is immediately
established with an effective and verifiable monitoring mechanism and
dialogue embarked upon, leading to a political process including
transitional arrangements and the necessary reforms. The crisis in
Libya requires a political solution and not a military one; and the
AU Road Map is the most viable option.
Finally,
what
is needed on the issue of Libya is a genuine partnership between
the United Nations Security Council and the African Union. By working
together we can find a lasting solution to the crisis in Libya. I
thank you.