Video Of Khashoggi Murder
Sought Via FOIA Now Must Be In Vaughn Index In
2 Week
By Matthew
Russell Lee, Patreon
BBC
- Guardian
UK - Honduras
- CJR -
PFT
SDNY COURT, Dec 8
– The video of the murder of
Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi
consulate in Turkey, which it
is clear the US government has
a copy of, is being sought
under the Freedom of
Information Act.
On October 15
U.S. District Court for the
Southern District of New York
Paul A. Engelmayer held oral
arguments. Inner City Press
live tweeted them, here
and below.
Now on
December 8 Judge Engelmayer
has ruled against the Trump
Administration's argument that
it did not have to include the
video in its FOIA Vaughn
Index, even after the public
acknowledgement(s). From the
Dec 8 ruling: "if more were
need by way an official
acknowledgment, that Vice
President Pence’s statement
situates the tape (as central
evidence of the killing) as
having been reviewed
specifically by the CIA,
making it realistic to infer
that the CIA is a particular
entity within the Government
that possessed the tape. Arg.
Tr. at 18. The Court agrees,
and rejects the Government’s
bid not to specifically
identify the tape, to the
extent possessed by either
defendant agency, on a Vaughn
index. President Trump’s
statement literally admitted
that U.S. “intelligence
agencies” had reviewed the
tape and that the Government
possesses it. That alone
deprives the Government of the
ability to claim that a Vaughn
index listing the tape would
disclose new information. And,
although not necessary to this
conclusion, to the extent that
the CIA might disclaim its own
possession of the tape as a
fact not publicly known, the
Vice President’s official
statement realistically
acknowledged at least the
historical possession of it by
the CIA at the time of its
investigation. These official
statements by the top two
officials in the Executive
Branch sufficiently
acknowledge the tape to
preclude the Government from
claiming that its
identification on a Vaughn
index would reveal undisclosed
classified information. See
Am. Civil Liberties Union v.
Dep’t of Def., 322 F. Supp. 3d
464, 475 (S.D.N.Y. 2018) (“An
official acknowledgement can
also occur indirectly, when
the substance of an official
statement and the context in
which it is made permits the
inescapable inference that the
requested records in fact
exist.” (quotations omitted));
see also Pl. Reply at 8–9. In
response, the agencies do not
seriously dispute that the
above statements have admitted
the possession by one or more
U.S. intelligence agencies of
the tape of the Khashoggi
murder. Case 1:19-cv-00234-PAE
Document 176 Filed 12/08/20
Page 19 of 29 20
They seize instead on the
President’s lack of
attribution to the two
defendant intelligence
agencies, noting that the
statement “[w]e have the
tape,” does not, in haec
verba, reveal whether the CIA
or ODNI, or perhaps some other
federal instrumentality, had
physical possession of it.
Def. Opp’n at 18. But that
argument does not carry the
day. The President
acknowledged that
“intelligence agencies” were
“assess[ing] all information”
and that the CIA in particular
had investigated whether the
Crown Prince was involved in
the killing. Def. Mem. at 10.
These statements—corroborated
by the Vice President’s
account of CIA Director
Haspel’s review of evidence
into the killing and Director
Haspel’s testimony that the
CIA had spent significant time
assessing “what happened to
Mr. Jamal Khashoggi” and
briefing and developing
“written products” on that
issue—effectively admit the
intelligence agencies’
possession, at least at some
point, of the tape, which
logically would have been a
central piece of evidence in
any such investigation. And
the Government does not
coherently explain why the
physical possession as between
the intelligence agencies,
once the possession by at
least one has been
acknowledged, could reveal
undisclosed classified
information. The Government
does not, for example, suggest
that either agency had any
hand in creating the tape,
such that possession by a
particular agency might shed
light on the agency’s
undercover or operational
capabilities. And to the
extent that intelligence value
could attach for some reason
to the fact that more than one
intelligence agency had
accessed the tape, the
President’s statement—that
U.S. “intelligence agencies
[would] continue to assess all
information”—effectively
disclosed that too. Id. The
Court accordingly finds that
the official disclosures of
the tape satisfy the “strict
test” of Wilson, 586 F.3d at
186, and thus waive FOIA
Exemption One as to the duty
to include the tape on the
agencies’ Vaughn indexes. See
id. (“Classified information
that a party seeks to obtain .
. . is deemed to have been
officially disclosed only if
it (1) [is] as specific as the
Case 1:19-cv-00234-PAE
Document 176 Filed 12/08/20
Page 20 of 29 21
information previously
released, (2) match[es] the
information previously
disclosed . . . .”
(alterations in original)
(quotations omitted)). The
above official disclosures
acknowledging the possession
of the tape capturing
Khashoggi’s killing by
multiple intelligence
agencies, including
specifically the CIA, is as
specific as, and matches the
information sought by, OSJI’s
request for a Vaughn index as
to that unique record. The
agencies thus must produce a
Vaughn index for that tape."
That's due in two weeks. Watch
this site
From the October
15 arguments, live tweeted by
Inner City Press:
Plaintiff's
lawyer: The CIA director told
Congress his agency produced
many reports. But we don't
know how many.
Judge Engelmayer:
Would it make sense for me to
review, ex parte and in
camera, some sort of summary,
and not all the responsive
documents?
Plaintiff's
lawyer: Yes. The President
spoke about it, and even the
result, that maybe Prince MBS
did it. So yes, your Honor
should review it. It can no
longer be withheld as exempt.
Judge Engelmayer: Are there
are document I ought to review
directly?
Plaintiff's
lawyer: There is a tape of the
murder. They can't really
denying having it. You can see
it on C-SPAN.
Judge Engelmayer:
Maybe the word "I"
interrupted. I'm not sure what
was meant by that bumpy
sentence from the President.
Judge Engelmayer: He went on
to say, from those things, you
can conclude that the Crown
Prince did, or that he didn't.
Meaning, draw your own
conclusion. Plaintiff's
lawyer: He said, "They say he
may have done it." I read that
as a summary of the CIA's
report.
Judge Engelmayer:
The tape is like the Zapruder
film of the killing. Let me
turn to the government, Mr.
Aronoff.
AUSA Aronoff:
What we're talking about is a
narrow set of statements by
public officials. Judge
Engelmayer: What if want more?
That's in my discretion
AUSA Aronoff: The
amount of information the
government has about this is
itself classified... The
volume could be significant to
foreign adversaries, showing
if we have a lot or a little.
Judge Engelmayer:
Let's drill down on the
President's remarks. The
"They" here seems to be the
CIA. So he's acknowledging the
CIA dug into it. AUSA Aronoff:
That is probably fair.
(Laughs). The CIA director
acknowledged that CIA had
written products.
Judge Engelmayer:
Unless the US had something to
do with the killing [of
Khashoggi], you only came upon
the tape afterward. So how can
you withhold it under FOIA?
AUSA Aronoff: I don't want to
resist the question, but...
Judge Engelmayer
makes his second reference to
Zapruder, asking How could the
CIA review the killing without
reviewing the tape? It'd be
like the Warren Commission
reviewing the Kennedy killing
without watching the Zapruder
film.
Judge Engelmayer
has heard arguments from both
sides, revolving at the end
around whether the video of
the murder of Jamal Khashoggi
should be made public under
the Freedom of Information
Act. He's taken motions for
summary judgment under
advisement.
The case is Open
Society Justice Initiative v.
Central Intelligence Agency et
al., 19-cv-234 (Engelmayer)
Meanwhile as Inner City Press
reported earlier this month, Open
Society
Justice
Initiative and
a
group of law professors,
represented by a Washington
lobbyist firm, has sued on the
theory that their First
Amendment rights to support
the UN-affiliated
International Criminal Court
have been impaired. Fine.
Interesting.
Now on October 9,
the plaintiffs have asked for
oral argument on their motion
for a preliminary injunction:
"Re: Open Society Justice
Initiative, et al. v. Trump,
et al. Case No.
1:20-cv-8121-KPF – Request for
Oral Argument Dear Judge Polk
Failla: We represent
Plaintiffs in the
above-referenced action. We
write in compliance with Your
Honor’s Individual Rules of
Practice 4(E) to request that
the Court schedule oral
argument on Plaintiffs’ Motion
for Preliminary Injunction.
Plaintiffs’ Motion seeks to
protect their rights under the
First and Fifth Amendments to
the U.S. Constitution and to
prevent the government from
acting ultra vires under the
governing statute. Plaintiffs
respectfully suggest that oral
argument would assist the
Court in making its decision
by elucidating the key points
of difference between the
parties on these issues."
But the parties
should be aware: the UN is no
friend of free
speech.
Under
current Secretary General
Antonio Guterres, the UN
roughed up and has banned
Inner City Press 823 days now,
for its questions about
Guterres' failures on Cameroon
(a France-supported mass
killing event not taken up by
the ICC) and his undisclosed
links to convicted UN bribers
at CEFC China Energy. Video here, background here.
Guterres'
spokesman Stephane Dujarric -
a US as well as French citizen
- helped organize the rough up
then initially promised on
camera to at least
answer Inner City Press'
request questions, here. He
has since stopped, and said
"Mr. Lee's status remains
unchanged."
With that
unacted on, and Guterres' head
of media accreditation Melissa
Fleming - a US citizen - denying
Inner City Press' application
for re-accreditation last
months without even giving a
reason, the ICC / Trump
complaint says:
“The executive
order and the regulations
impermissibly restrict
plaintiffs’ First Amendment
rights to freedom of speech by
prohibiting them from
providing the speech-based
services and assistance
described above, including
with respect to ICC
investigations and
prosecutions that the United
States supports. The executive
order and the regulations also
lack the clarity required by
the Fifth Amendment as to
which acts subject a person to
enforcement or designation, or
which persons they
cover.”
Yeah.
The plaintiffs'
lawyers are Shrutih
Ramlochan-Tewarie and Nicholas
Marcus Renzler of Foley Hoag
LLP. The plaintiffs are The
Open Society Justice
Initiative, Diane Marie Amann,
Milena Sterio, Margaret
deGuzman and Gabor
Rona. Are
these professors, and Foley
Hoag, really for free speech
with regards to the UN and
ICC? So far, it seems not.
Their case is
Open Society Justice
Initiative et al v. Trump et
al, 1:20-cv-08121 (Failla)
***
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