On
Syria, de
Mistura's
Working Groups
Rejected by
Syrian Coalition
& Others
By Matthew
Russell Lee
UNITED
NATIONS,
October 3 --
When UN
Secretary
General Ban
Ki-moon
addressed the
Security
Council about
Syria back on
July 29, he
was the
opening act
for his envoy
Staffan de
Mistura, and
his new
"Working
Group"
proposal.
Now
the Syrian
Coalition and
others, named
below, have
rejected the
Working Groups
"unless
ambiguities
are resolved."
Here is their
full
statement:
"Joint
Statement on
the Latest
Developments
and
Implications
of the
Political
Process in
Syria
Syrian
Coalition
Political
Committee
October 03,
2015
Political
offices of the
undersigned
rebel factions
and the Syrian
Coalition’s
political
committee held
a meeting and
thoroughly
studied the
proposals put
forward by the
UN envoy
Staffan de
Mistura,
namely the
“work groups"
initiative.
After in-depth
reviewing of
the regional
and
international
reality
engulfing the
Syrian arena
as well as
recent
sensitive
developments
with profound
field and
political
influence, and
out of our
concern for
the
possibility of
launching a
new failed
political
process
costing
Syrians even
more thousands
of lives, and
more
destruction to
the remnants
of the
country's
infrastructure,
we affirm the
following
points:
First:
Participants
in the meeting
emphasize
their
commitment to
reaching a
political
solution to
achieve the
goals of the
revolution,
preserve the
identity of
the Syrian
people and end
their
suffering.
This political
process
however must
ensure that
the current
regime is not
reproduced or
that its head
and pillars,
whose hands
are stained
with the blood
of Syrians,
are given any
role in the
transitional
political
process or in
Syria’s
future.
Second: While
forces of the
revolution and
the opposition
have always
dealt fully
positive with
the UN envoy
despite the
absence of any
practical
results on the
ground, they
emphasize they
will continue
to positively
deal with the
United Nations
in order to
achieve the
interests of
the Syrian
people.
Third: The
Syrian people
have
completely
lost
confidence in
the ability of
the
international
community to
support their
cause after
five years of
regime crimes
committed
against them
with Iranian
military
support,
Russian
political
coverage and a
legitimacy
that the
international
community
still insists
on providing
to the
murderous
regime. The
current
popular
outrage must
be taken into
account in any
political
process which
must be
preceded by
real steps to
win the
confidence of
the Syrian
people. The
most important
of these steps
is to
explicitly
declare that
the head of
the regime and
its pillars
cannot be
given any role
to play in the
political
process.
Fourth: Bashar
al-Assad has
no place in
any political
process
depending on
the following
legal and
practical
reasons:
Bashar
al-Assad
inherited
power in an
entirely
illegal way.
Bashar
al-Assad
became a war
criminal the
moment he
began killing
Syrians who
peacefully
demanded their
rights. He
used illegal
chemical
weapons
against
innocent
civilians.
These crimes
have been
documented by
neutral
international
organizations
to prevent any
doubt in the
matter.
Bashar
al-Assad and
his regime
have shown
utmost
reluctance to
engage in any
political
process, have
not abided by
any declared
truces, and
have shown
non-cooperation
with the
international
community
purely with
humanitarian
issues. All of
this has left
him with no
credibility or
confidence.
While
Bashar
al-Assad and
his regime
have failed in
their alleged
war against
ISIS or to
achieve any
intellectual
or field
victory
against this
extremist
organization,
there is
compelling
evidence on
full
coordination
between the
two sides and
the role
Assad’s regime
plays in the
emergence of
ISIS.
Bashar
al-Assad has
opened the
doors of Syria
to foreign
militias who
commit the
worst
sectarian
massacres at
the same time
as fuelling
sectarian
rhetoric,
which deprives
him of any
eligibility to
participate in
any political
process that
aims to unite
the country.
Finally,
Bashar
al-Assad has
handed over
Syria to
Iranian and
Russian
invaders, thus
committing an
unforgivable
act of
betrayal to
the country's
history, its
future and
dignity.
Fifth: We
consider that
dissolving the
security
agencies and
the
restructuring
of the
military
institution
directly
responsible
for killing
Syrians an
essential item
for any
political
solution. This
beleaguered
and crumbling
military
institution
has turned
into sectarian
militias led
by Iran. It
cannot
therefore form
the nucleus of
a national
army, nor can
it be trusted
by the Syrian
people to
restore
security and
stability to
the country.
Sixth: The
formation of a
transitional
governing body
is a process
of full
transfer of
power in which
Bashar
al-Assad and
pillars of his
regime have no
place. We
emphasize the
need to
preserve state
institutions
and prevent
their
disintegration
as they belong
to the Syrian
people, and to
prevent the
country from
sliding into
more chaos.
Seventh: We
consider that
proposing the
"work groups"
initiative
ignores the
majority of
the relevant
United Nations
resolutions on
Syria,
particularly
resolutions
2118, 2165 and
2139. This
initiative is
in fact a
complicated
political
process that
requires
confidence-building
between the
Syrian people
on the one
hand and the
party that
will sponsor
the political
process,
namely the
United
Nations.
Confidence-building
can only be
achieved
through the
implementation
of the
above-mentioned
UN resolutions
that the
Syrian regime
has so far
disabled them.
Eighth: We
consider that
the "work
groups"
initiative in
its current
form and its
unclear
mechanisms
provides the
perfect
environment to
reproduce the
regime. These
“work groups”
must instead
be based on
clear
principles
regarding
standards for
selecting the
participants
in these
groups and the
final vision
for the
solution.
Ninth: We
condemn
Russia’s
direct
military
escalation in
Syria and
consider the
Syrian regime
fully
responsible as
it has turned
Syria into a
hotbed for
foreign
intervention.
The silence of
the
international
community also
bears
responsibility
for this
escalation and
represents a
point of no
return in the
relationship
between the
Syrian people
and Russia.
This
escalation
clearly shows
that Russia is
not serious or
sincere in its
commitment to
the political
process, and
that it has
never been a
honest
mediator but a
party to the
conflict and a
key ally of
the criminal
regime.
Tenth: While
forces of the
revolution and
its
institutions
reaffirm
commitment to
our people, we
vow to exert
the utmost
efforts to
close ranks
and correct
previous
mistakes. We
also vow that
the revolution
will remain
faithful to
its principles
and the blood
of its fallen
heroes, and
that we will
strike a
balance
between
achieving our
objectives and
safeguarding
our
fundamental
principles. We
also pledge to
alleviate the
suffering of
our people,
expedite
victory and to
dedicate our
political and
military
capabilities
for this
purpose.
Accordingly,
the “work
groups”
initiative in
its current
form is
unacceptable
neither
practically
nor legally
process unless
the
above-mentioned
points are
taken into
consideration
and the
ambiguities
shaping the
mechanisms of
this
initiative are
resolved.
Rebel
factions:
Ahrar al-Sham
Movement
Jaish al-Islam
Islamic Union
of Ajnad
al-Sham
Al-Sham Legion
Al-Sham
Revolutionaries
The Levant
Front
Al-Rahman
Corps
Homs Corps
Al-Mujahideen
Army
Fastaqim Kama
Umert
Conglomeration
Ajnad al-Sham
Noureddine
Zanki Movement
Homs
Liberation
Movement
The South’s
1st Army
Al-Yarmouk
Army
The 1st Corps
Al-Tawhid Army
- Homs
The Tribes
Army
Division 101
Division 13
Amoud Horan
Division
The Tribes
Corps
Tahrir al-Sham
Division
The Central
Division
Division 16
Infantry
Sultan Murad
Aldin Division
The 1st
Coastal
Division
Fajr al-Tawhid
Division
Salahuddin
Division
Division 24
Infantry
Al-Qadisiyah
Division
Shabab
al-Sunnah
Division
Ossoud
al-Sunnah
Division
Fallujat Horan
Division
March 18
Division
The 69th
Davison-
Special Tasks
Ahrar Nawa
Division
Khaiyalet
al-Zaidi
Division
Shuhadaa’
al-Hirak
Division
Al- Sham
Unified Front
Al-Asala wal
Tanmiya Front
Ansar al-Islam
Front
Al-Inqath
Fighting Front
Suqur Jabal
al-Zawiya
Brigade
Fursan al-Haqq
Brigade
Farouk
al-Janoub
Brigade
Shuhadaa’
al-Islam
Brigade
Al-Fatah
Brigade
Al-Siddiq
Brigade
Talbeesah
Brigade
Ahbab Omar
Brigade
Ahfad
al-Rassoul
Brigade
Jisr Houran
Brigade
Tawhid Kataeb
Houran
Tafas Brigade
Al-Muhajirin
wal Ansar
Brigade
Youssef
al-Azmah
Brigade
Omar
al-Mukhtar
Brigade
Shabab al-Huda
Brigade
Al-Sahel 10th
Brigade
Al-Furqan
Brigades
Suqur al-Ghab
Brigades
Ansar al-Sham
Abnaa’
al-Qadisiyah
Al-Safwah
Battalions
Al-Omari
Brigades
Conglomerate
Izraa’
Brigades
Conglomerate
Regiment 111
The 1st
Regiment
The Artillery
Regiment
The FSA
Brigades in
Hasaka"
Back
on September
22, de Mistura
issued a Note
to
Correspondents
with the names
of the
facilitators
of the four
Working
Groups: "Mr.
Jan Egeland as
facilitator
for the Safety
and Protection
thematic
Working Group;
Mr. Nicolas
Michel as
facilitator
for the
Political and
Legal Issues
thematic
Working Group;
Mr. Volker
Perthes as
facilitator
for the
Military,
Security and
Counterterrorism
thematic
Working Group;
and Ms.
Birgitta Holst
Alani as
facilitator
for the
Continuity of
Public
Services,
Reconstruction
and
Development
thematic
Working
Group."
Nicolas
Michel, as reported
by Inner City
Press,
appeared in
Damascus in
2012 with
then-envoy
Kofi Annan.
Before that,
as exclusively
reported
by Inner City
Press, he
accepted rent
money for a
12,000 a month
apartment on
Park Avenue in
New York from
the Swiss
government,
while
ostensibly
being a full
time UN
official.
Still,
Michel then
and says has
answered more
Press
questions
then, for
example, UN
Peacekeeping
chief Herve
Ladsous, who
while dodging
questions linked UN rapes to
"R&R", on
video here.
One wonders if
these Working
Group
positions are
full-time, how
they are
compensated
and if outside
employments
remain. Watch
this site.
What
de Mistura set
out, however,
was a mere
"deepening" of
the Geneva
Consultations
he's been
engaged in
since May 5.
In what seemed
like form over
substance, de
Mistura said:
“What I am
today
proposing is
deepening the
Geneva
Consultations
format. I now
intend to
invited
Syrians to
parallel, or
simultaneous,
thematic
discussions
through
intra-Syrian
working groups
addressing the
key aspects of
the
Communique, as
identified by
them in the
first phase of
the
Consultations.”
These key
aspects were
bullet-pointed
by de Mistura
as “Safety and
protection for
all, including
ending sieges,
ensuring
medical access
and releasing
detainees;
"political
and
Constitutional
issues
including
essential
principles,
transitional
governing body
and elections;
"military
and security
issues
including
combating
terrorism,
cease-fires
and
integration of
forces; and
"public
institutions,
reconstruction
and
development,
including
institutions
continuing to
deliver public
services under
a top
leadership
acceptable to
all and acting
in accordance
with
principles of
good
government and
human rights.”
While de
Mistura
referred to a
"Fear of the
Black Flag"
flying over
Damascus, it
wasn't clear
who would be
in these
working
groups.
Nevertheless
it was said
that the
Security
Council was
working on a
Presidential
Statement to
support de
Mistura.
When Ban
himself spoke,
all the
trappings of
gravitas were
given. The
day's UN noon
briefing was
canceled, in
deference to
Ban's
(scripted?)
question and
answer session
set for 12:40
pm.
Even before 10
am, Ban's
personal
rostrum or
lectern was
set up at the
UNTV stakeout.
Given that it
was torn from
the hands even
of a member
state's
foreign
minister - and
later
President of
the General
Assembly --
this meant the
UN assumed no
member state
would want (or
dare) to speak
before Ban's
12:40 pm
stakeout.
This
is today's
UN. More
at InnerCityPro.com
Likewise, de
Mistura was
reported on
July 21-22 to
have
"sound[ed]
alarm over
battle at
Syria border,"
the question
arose, Where
did de Mistura
sound this
alarm?
When de
Mistura had
statements to
make, back on
July 10 and
before that on
June 10, the
UN
Spokesperson's
office sent
the statement
to all media
on its
distribution
list and put
it online. But
that was not
done in this
case. Why not?
Some
note that de
Mistura is
under fire, on
issues ranging
from his
hiring (see
Inner City
Press
exclusive
reporting,
below) to
being too
silent or
ineffectual.
So is this new
way of
"communicating,"
to a single
Western wire
service, an
attempt to
more effective
control the
message and
the
pass-through
messager?
We'll have
more on this.
Back
on April 24
when Mistura
came to the UN
Security
Council
stakeout,
Inner City
Press asked
him about
criticism of
how he has run
his office to
date. De
Mistura
declined to
respond. But
see below.
On
May 30, the UN
Spokesperson's
Office
issued a
statement for
de Mistura,
condemning
"the death of
at least 70
civilians in
Syria's
northern
Aleppo
province by
barrel bombs
dropped from
government
helicopters."
The statement,
full
text here,
said that "all
evidence shows
that the
overwhelming
majority of
the civilian
victims in the
Syrian
conflict have
been caused by
the use of
such
indiscriminate
aerial
weapons." Some
were sure to
wonder, what
about ISIS?
But as
de Mistura
holds a new round
on
consultations
in Geneva,
with all press
coverage
Banned, he
is belatedly
replacing his
principal
political
affairs
officer with
one Stephanie
Koury, Inner
City Press is
informed, who
in
Iraq headed
the UN's
Kirkuk office,
as well as a
stint in
another of the
UN's failed
(or
turned-over)
mediation
missions,
in Yemen, see
below.
Previously,
Inner City
Press reported
on how de
Mistura
ingratiated
himself to Ban
Ki-moon by
hiring and
promoting
Ban's son in
law Siddharth
Chatterjee
while serving
as envoy in
Iraq. (Some of
that reported
was censored,
but not on
Inner City
Press.) This
led to push-back
from the UN,
which continues
to the day
- something
that the new Free
UN Coalition
for Access
opposes.
Last week the
UN said of de
Mistura's
upcoming five
to six weeks
of talks on
Syria in
Geneva that
there will be
no interviews
or stakeouts,
nor even any
photo-sprays,
during all
that time.
FUNCA opposes
this
closing-down
of the UN as
well.
A picture has
emerged of de
Mistura's
running of the
UN's Syria
office, in
which
"cronies" from
his time in
Iraq and after
that
Afghanistan
have been
favored in
jobs, with
very little to
show for it.
De Mistura's
functional
political
affairs chief,
for example,
has been
Elpida Rouka,
who was de
Mistura's "Special
Assistant"
in Iraq.
Her i-Phone
composed
political
memos have
been
exclusively
mocked to
Inner City
Press by close
associates of
de Mistura,
but de Mistura
declared her
the only
authorized
channel of
"substantive"
information to
UN
Headquarters
in New York.
At
a key moment
in de
Mistura's
doomed push
for a "freeze"
in Aleppo,
Inner City
Presss is
exclusively
informed that
de Mistura
went with,
over ceasefire
expert Julian
Hottinger, one
Matt Waldman,
listed as an
adviser not
only of de
Mistura on
Syria but also
of the
European
Institute for
Peace, which
as Inner City
Press has
reported de
Mistura remains
president of
the Board of
Governors.
(Back
in September
2014, Inner
City Press
asked the UN
Office of the
Spokesperson,
"please
confirm or
deny that Mr.
de Mistura
will be
(allowed to
be) based in
Brussels, and
separate state
his contract
status: When
Actually
Employed? Paid
at USG level?
Is he being
allowed to
continue
working with /
for any non-UN
organization,
if so which,
and what
review of
possible
conflicts of
interest was
made, and by
whom?")
One might
think that the
UN's Syria
envoy position
is or should
be a full time
job, without
outside second
positions like
continuing as
president of
the board of a
group like the
European
Institute for
Peace. But
this is the
UN, where the
special
representative
on
Cyprus
Alexander
Downer was
allowed to
work full time
at an
investment
bank or
consultancy
Bespoke
Approach,
Tony Blair
as Middle East
Quartet
representative
and
businessman,
and now a
similar
UNdisclosed
arrangement in
Yemen.
(Inner
City Press has
four
times asked
simple public
financial
disclosure
questions
about Ban's
new Yemen
envoy Ismael
Ould Cheikh
Ahmed, without
answer.)
All of the
above said, de
Mistura is a
pleasant man;
while in
Afghanistan he
pledged
to get to the
bottom of the
murder of UN
staffer Louis
Maxwell
there although
he never did
(nor did
others in
today's
UN). But
Inner City
Press - and
FUNCA - are
committed to a
closely-covered
and open UN,
and the trend,
from the top
down, is in
quite the
opposite
direction.
Here was the
UN's "Note to
Correspondents"
-
The
Geneva
Consultations
on Syria will
begin next
week Monday, 4
May, at the
Palais des
Nations and
last for an
initial period
of five to six
weeks.
The Special
Envoy of the
Secretary-General
Staffan de
Mistura has
invited as
many of the
parties as
possible,
primarily the
Syrian parties
(government,
opposition and
civil
society), as
well as the
regional and
international
stakeholders,
to discuss
with the
Special Envoy,
the dire
situation in
Syria today
and to provide
their candid
views on where
we stand
vis-a-vis
implementation
of the Geneva
Communiqué
almost three
years since it
was adopted.
The Special
Envoy and the
Deputy Special
Envoy, Ramzy
Ezzeldine
Ramzy, will
conduct closed
and separate
consultations
with each
party.
There will be
no photo
opportunities,
no stakeouts,
and no
interviews
while the
consultations
are being
conducted at
the Palais.
However,
periodic photo
and video
feeds will be
provided by UN
Photo and UN
Television.
The UNOG
Spokesman and
Director,
a.i., of the
UN Information
Service in
Geneva, and
the Office of
the Special
Envoy's Public
Information
Officer, will
provide
periodic
updates to the
Geneva Press
Corps and
others, as and
when
appropriate
and necessary.
No major
public
announcements
are expected
during, or at
the conclusion
of, these
Consultations.
The Special
Envoy will
assess the
progress of
his
stock-taking
at the end of
the process
and report to
the
Secretary-General
with his
findings and
recommendations.
Thank you for
understanding.
Thank you
indeed.
Back
on April 24,
Inner City
Press asked de
Mistura if the
Saudi-led
airstrikes on
Yemen changed
any of the
dynamics on
Syria.
In reply, de
Mistura told
Inner City
Press that
"everything in
the region
these days is
connected." He
added that he
is focused on
Syria.
Inner
City Press
also asked de
Mistura about
criticism made
by his former
adviser Mouin
Rabbani on
Qatar's Al
Jazeera TV,
that Mistura
is out of his
depth and not
up for the
task.
De
Mistura
replied, I
will not
respond, you
would do the
same, if one
of your
ex-colleagues...
Inner City
Press asked
the question
because it
hadn't been
asked,
tellingly.
Dina
Kawar said
Mistura
“mentioned
what he will
do next month
in Geneva,
holding
separate
meetings with
the Syrian
parties,
representatives
of the civil
society and
regional and
international
actors. He
will provide
his assessment
to the
Secretary
General and
keep the
Security
Council
informed,”
Kawar said,
taking no
questions.
Staffan de
Mistura
emerged,
saying he
would take two
or three
questions. He
said, “the
only way is to
test, a stress
test,” a
phrase like
his previous
“freeze.” He
said, “by end
of June we
should be in
the position
to reassess
whether any
convergence on
substance and
report to the
Secretary
General.”
De Mistura
said, “This is
not Geneva
Three, this is
a series of
consultation,
one to one. We
can convene
and ask
everyone to
come and not
exclude
anyone.. Iran
is a member
country of the
UN, it is a
major play in
the region, it
has influence
in Syria. The
UN has the
right, and
will be
inviting
everyone.”
Unlike
Montreux, it
was observed
by... one wag.
Back on April
16, that the
Syrian
chemical
weapons victim
and doctor who
briefed the UN
Security
Council did so
behind closed
doors, with no
UN Television
coverage, was
a product of
the Council's
rules.
It was an
“Arria
formula”
meeting, which
was not be
listed in the
UN Journal or
even on the
blue
electronic
signs outside
it. (The sign
said the
meeting was
about
"nutrition.")
Afterward
chemical
weapons victim
Qusai Zakarya
took some
questions in
the hall,
before again
going behind
closed doors
of the UN
Censorship
Alliance, see
below.
Inner City
Press in this
public space
asked Qusai
Zakarya what
he thought of
UN envoy on
Syria Staffan
de Mistura.
Qusai
Zakarya said
replied to
Inner City
Press, "I
think Staffan
de Mistura is
a hypocrite. I
think his very
disgusting
attempt to
shine up the
image of the
regime is
exposed to the
Syrian people
and to a nlot
of members of
the
international
community. His
offer on
freezes was a
joke. If he
really cared
about saving
lives he would
have convinced
the regime to
stop using its
fire power. We
have a lot of
outrage
against his
attempts, the
deal he was
trying to
offer, it's
just another
false attempt
to shine up
the image of
the regime."
Inner City
Press asked
him if he
would meet
with any UN
official. “I
can't answer
that questio
right now,” he
said. Then the
convoy went to
the clubhouse
of the UN
Censorship
Alliance,
which had sent
notice only to
those who pay
it money:
"They will
have just
presented
their accounts
in front of
the UN
Security
Council at an
Arria-formula
meeting on
Syria Chemical
Weapons."
But why would
the doctors,
in holding a
supposed press
conference
afterward, not
do so in the
UN Press
Briefing Room
on UNTV, as
can be done by
any NGO or
individual as
long as
sponsored by a
member state?
Instead, the
sequel
show was also
behind closed
door, in the
UN Censorship
Alliance
(UNCA), not on
UNTV. This is
the same UNCA
which hosted
former Syrian
Coalition head
Ahmad al
Jarba,
allowing him
to claim he
had a “UN
press
briefing.”
It is a scam.
And so on
April 24 Inner
City Press
asked UN
spokesman
Dujarric if
Jarba's
successor,
after Hadi al
Bahra, Khaled
Khoja will
hold a Q&A
session in the
open UN Press
Briefing Room.
We'll see.
UNCA
and its board
members have,
for example,
sought to get
other
journalists
thrown out of
the UN, for
reporting on
the financial
relationship
of UNCA's then
and now
president
Giampaolo
Pioli with an
alleged war
criminal,
accepting rent
money from him
and later
agree to
screen his war
crimes denial
film inside
the UN, under
the UNCA
banner.
If one has a
case to make,
this is not
the place to
make it.
Even since its
outright
censorship
bid, the way
UNCA is run
gives less and
less
confidence. On
April 10, the
UN
Spokesperson's
Office
announced over
its public
address system
that "in a few
short moments
in the UNCA
room there
will be a
press
conference by
a State
Department
official."
But as Inner
City Press
immediately
reported, it
wasn't any
"press
conference" --
it was off the
record spin,
typical of
this UNCA now
known as the
UN's
Censorship
Alliance (the
invitation
they send to
those who pay
UNCA money is
below.)
Just
before 5 pm,
the UN
Spokesperson's
Office made a
second public
address system
announcement:
it was NOT a
press
conference,
but rather an
off the record
presentation
by the US
State
Department.
All
this in the
big room the
UN gives to
UNCA, its
Censorship
Alliance. Why
is the UN
involved in
this in any
way at all?
The
announcement
by UNCA
president
Giampaolo
Pioli, sent
only to those
who pay UNCA
money (then
forwarded to
Inner City
Press along
with messages
of shock and
disgust) said
"For
correspondents
interested in
an informal
off-the-record
meeting with
[the] Deputy
Director,
Media Hub of
the Americas,
U.S.
Department of
State Bureau
of Public
Affairs,
please join us
in the UNCA
Meeting Room,
Friday, April
10th at
3:30pm.
"The meeting
will be to
explain the
work of the
State
Department
Public Affairs
bureau that
works with
international
media, to
provide
assistance in
gaining better
access to
State
Department
officials and
information,
in addition to
presenting the
work done in
the Media Hub
of the
Americas where
the Director
is the State
Department
spokesperson
in Spanish and
Portuguese for
regional media
and Spain and
Portugal.
Thank you,
Giampaolo
Pioli
UNCA
President"
Pioli's
invite linked
to a
self-description
of this US
Bureau of
Public
Affairs, that
“PA/IME works
in close
collaboration
with State
Department and
interagency
colleagues to
create and
manage tools
to ensure
accurate
coverage of
U.S. foreign
policy by
major
international
media.”
UNCA
represents
only part of
the UN press
corps. This
writer, for
example, quit
the group
after
2012.
UNCA is said
by UN
Spokesman
Stephane
Dujarric to receive
the first
question in
the UN Press
Briefing Room
“by tradition,”
even after UNCA's
Executive
Board
tried to get
the
investigative
Press thrown
out of the UN
for its reporting
about Sri
Lanka, UN
Peacekeeping
and
colonialism
(Herve Ladsous)
among other
topics.
UNCA
did nothing
when Ladsous
adopted the
policy of
refusing to
answer any
questions from
the
investigative
Press, and
having his
spokespeople
physically
grab the UNTV
microphone to
try to avoid
the questions
being heard.
Now UNCA wants
to facilitate
“accurate
coverage of
U.S. foreign
policy.” Does
it perform
this service
for other
countries?
Inner City
Press, like
the new Free
UN Coalition
for Access which
it co-founded
after quitting
UNCA, is not
against
"accurate
coverage of US
foreign
policy." Last
month, Inner
City Press
asked the US
State
Department
about Yemen
(including
the decision not to
evacuate
Yemeni
Americans from
the country),
Cuba
(the US
restrictions
on its
diplomats at
the UN),
the Maldives,
Middle
East and
the Democratic
Republic of
the Congo.
In each case,
Inner City
Press reported
the answers in
full, where
possible with
video.
But why
provide this
platform for
one country
and not
others?
Earlier on
April 10 UNCA
will have a
presentation
by a former US
CIA employee
who served in
Saipan, Korea,
Vietnam and
"Burma," as
the UNCA
notice puts
it.
What has happened
to this UNCA
under Pioli
and presumably
current
Executive
Committee
members from Reuters,
the US
Broadcast
Board of
Governors
and ANSA? And
how now can
the UN
continue to
“partner” with
UNCA,
exclusively,
using this
partial group
as a proxy for
the wider
press corps?
Earlier
on April 9,
when the UN
with little
notice
canceled its
question and
answer noon
briefing in
deference to a
"press
encounter"
with Ban
Ki-moon at
which Dujarric
handpicked the
questioners
and Ban
notably did
not call for a
halt or even
pause in
airstrikes on
Yemen, UNCA
said nothing.
(They will,
however, have
a "Prosecco
toast" with
Ban later in
the month.)
The
Free
UN Coalition
spoke up in criticism,
as here. We'll
have more on
and of this.