At the
UN, Rwanda Exhibition Postponed For Turkish Armenian Concerns, Abkhazia
Exhibition Flies Under Radar
Byline:
Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN
UNITED NATIONS, April
9, 1:41 pm, updated 6:50 pm -- To commemorate the 13th anniversary of the
beginning of the genocide in Rwanda, a photo exhibit was scheduled to open today
in the lobby of the UN General Assembly. It has now been cancelled or postponed,
due to objections raised by Turkey to a reference in the exhibit to one million
Armenians murdered in 1915. While during the UN's noon press briefing spokesman
Farhan Haq ascribed the postponement to a failure to have vetted the exhibit,
other UN insiders state that the Department of Public Information had signed off
on it, but that Turkey's eleventh-hour objection called the previous DPI
approval into question.
At
Monday's noon press briefing, Inner City Press asked about another current
exhibition at the UN, in the lobby by the Vienna Cafe, of graphic photographs of
ethnic cleansing in Georgia's breakaway region of Abkhazia. Video
here.
Mr. Haq stated that that exhibit had been reviewed, and that the same scrutiny
is given to exhibits in public spaces of the General Assembly and of the
Secretariat building. The Abkhaz exhibit coincides with the UN Security
Council's consideration on
April 10 of the situation in Abkhazia,
including allegations of Russian bombing of pro-Georgia positions.
In late
2006, there was an exhibit by the Vienna Cafe which, although not cancelled,
became the subject to behind-the-scenes controversy, not for its content but for
its sponsor. Blue-clad representatives of a Taiwan-based non-governmental
organization, the Tzu Chi Foundation, served tea and handed out literature in
front of displays concerning the seventh century ramble of XuanZang through
Central Asia. At the last minute, the Chinese delegation became aware of the
Taiwan connection of the exhibit, and tried to have it cancelled. But Swaziland
stepped in as sponsor, and so the exhibition went forward. Inner City Press at
the opening asked Swaziland's Ambassador for his nation's position on Taiwan, a
question the Ambassador declined to answer. But Swaziland remains one of the
countries which recognizes Taiwan, as until last year Chad did. The politics of
even exhibitions at the UN continues to amaze.
Ban
Ki-moon and Rwandan president Kagame
While Ban
Ki-moon's Rwanda statement
remains online,
its final line, that "later today Mr. Ban will give a signed copy of his message
to Rwanda’s Permanent Representative to the UN" is now in question, as this was
to take place at the opening of the exhibition.
[Update 5:57 pm:
With Turkey's role
confirmed, Mr. Ban instead read out his statement on the 38th floor, on the
UN's closed circuit TV network, and gave the signed copy to Rwanda’s Permanent
Representative, who referred to the exhibition "which was supposed to open today
but which has been postponed." Down in the lobby, unlike the
earlier report, the photos were no longer "turned around" - they had been
taken down entirely. Postponed or cancelled? There were black boxes -- not
those kind of black boxes -- behind where the displays would have been.
Update of 6:45 pm -
the following has been received:
Ambassador Nsengimana
wrote to the UN Secretary-General today protesting the postponement of the
exhibit. Below is an excerpt of the letter:
"I write to you to express the Rwanda Government’s profound regret that the
exhibit entitled 'Lessons from the Rwanda Genocide,' organized on the occasion
of the 13th commemoration of the Rwanda Genocide, has been postponed.
It will be recalled that in its resolution 60/225, the General Assembly
requested the Secretary-General 'to establish a program of outreach entitled
"The Rwanda Genocide and the United Nations" as well as measures to mobilize
civil society for Rwanda genocide victim remembrance and education, in order to
help to prevent future acts of genocide.' The exhibit would contribute
significantly to the implementation of the resolution, and would send a strong
message about the commitment of the United Nations to preventing genocide. The
postponement of the event for reasons unrelated to resolution 60/225 is
therefore deeply regrettable."]
Rwanda's ambassador
to the UN, Joseph Nsengimana, told Inner City Press in late March that with the
Security Council lifting the remnants of the arms embargo against his country,
Rwanda now stood ready to provided training, if not active military support, to
Somalia's Transitional Federal Government -- which has now been
accused of war crimes, including by a
European Union security expert.
We'll have more on this. [now we do - click
here.]
Since the
"G word" -- genocide -- wasn't applied to the events of 1915, but rather the
figure "one million murders," one wag wondered why it couldn't have been
negotiated, to bring the number down. A UN spokesperson conceded that this type
of bean counting has been known to happen. What will happen in this case remains
to be seen. Watch this site.
Feedback: Editorial
[at] innercitypress.com
UN Office: S-453A,
UN, NY 10017 USA Tel: 212-963-1439
Reporter's mobile
(and weekends): 718-716-3540
UN Mine Action Works With One-Third of Governments
Including Ugandan Army Mining Karamoja
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at
the UN
UNITED NATIONS, April 6 -- In a week full
of mine talk at the United Nations, some questions were still left unanswered.
The UN's head of peacekeeping Jean-Marie Guehenno, asked Tuesday by Inner City
Press about the
reported use of landmines by the Ugandan
military, did not directly
respond, but said that a UN Mine Action staffer would get back with information.
Video
here.
This staffer, Justin Brady,
provided a list of 64 countries in which the UN is or has been active with mines
-- one third of the UN's member states. On Uganda, however, there appears to
still be some misunderstanding. UK-based Save the Children, as quoted in the
Kampala Monitor of April 2,
reports that the Uganda People's Defense Forces have laid landmines in the
northeast Karamoja region, where the UPDF has been engaged in violent
disarmament of the pastoralist Karimojong. As Inner City Press
reported in June 2006,
the UN Development Program had been involved in and encouraged the UPDF's
collection of guns, which led to deaths of civilians, most recently dozens of
children, as reported by Save the Children.
But UN Mine Action staffer
Justin Brady this week assumed that the problem, if there is one, is providing
training to the UPDF to remove landmines. While he said he has now asked
colleagues in Uganda about the UPDF's mining, nothing has been heard back in the
following three days. Justin Brady told Inner City Press that UPDF personnel had
received some de-mining training at a UK-funded center in Nairobi. The first
step for the UPDF would be to stop laying mines, to stop killing civilians and
stop covering both up. For the UN Development Program, which like the UN Office
of Project Services (UNOPS) is a mine action middle-man, the first step would be
to be more careful about working with governments which use landmines, and
otherwise violate human rights. Also on human rights and governance, Jean-Marie
Guehenno on April 3 declined to answer Inner City Press' question about the UN's
continued use of peacekeepers from Fiji, following the military coup in late
2006. Video
here,
article
here.
Searching
for mines - laid by Ugandan army?
While the UN Mine Action
Service is a part of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, UNMAS is active
in many countries where DPKO is not (see list below). Inner City Press has
covered the mine action logistics work of
UNOPS, including in South
Sudan, where a UNOPS staffer recounts collecting unexploded remnants of war and
piling them in the back of a vehicle. At the check-point outside the UN's
compound, guards checked the entire chassis of the vehicle before allowing it to
enter, without ever looking at the pile of explosives inside the vehicle. It is
a dangerous job, and the front-line workers are to be commended.
As is Justin Brady, who as noted
followed-up by providing a list of countries and territories where since 1989 UN
Mine Action has been active, through
"assessment, technical advice, demining, survey, capacity building, advocacy,
risk education, and survivor / victim assistance." In the table below * =
active programs; ** = potential inter-agency or technical assistance mission
under discussion based on request by member state or by "senior UN official;" *
** = both) --
1. *Afghanistan- UNMAS
2. *Albania- UNDP
3. *Algeria- UNDP (prodoc just signed)
4. *Angola- UNDP
5. Armenia
6. Azerbaijan
7. Bangladesh
8. Belarus
9. *Bosnia & Herzegovina-UNDP
10. *Burundi- UNDP
11. *Cambodia- UNDP
12. *Chad- UNDP (& UNMAS if PKO)
13. Chile
14. China
15. *Colombia**- UNICEF
16. Croatia
17. *Cyprus- UNDP/UNMAS - funded by EU
18. *DR Congo**- UNMAS
19. Djibouti
20. *Egypt- UNDP
21. El Salvador
22. *Eritrea- UNMAS (UNMEE)
23. *Ethiopia- UNDP, UNMAS (UNMEE)
24. Georgia
25. Guatemala
26. *Guinea-Bissau- UNDP
27. Indonesia
28. Iran**
29. *Iraq- UNDP
30. *Jordan- UNDP
31. Kenya
32. *Lao PDR- UNDP
33. *Lebanon- UNMAS (S. Leb), UNDP
34. *Liberia- UNMAS (UNMIL)
35. Libya*
36. Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
37. Malawi
38. *Mauritania- UNDP
39. *Mozambique- UNDP
40. *Nepal*- UNICEF, UNMAS (UNMIN)
41. Nicaragua
42. *Occupied Palestinian territories**- UNICEF
43. Panama
44. Peru
45. *Republic of Serbia (Kosovo)- UNMAS (UNMIK)
46. *Russian Federation (Chechnya**, Ingushetia)- UNICEF
47. Rwanda
48. *Senegal- UNDP
49. Serbia Montenegro
50. Sierra Leone
51. Slovenia
52. *Somalia** (Somaliland & Puntland) UNDP
53. *Sri Lanka- UNDP
54. *Sudan- UNMAS, UNDP, UNICEF, WFP, UNHCR
55. Syria (Golan Heights)
56. *Tajikistan- UNDP
57. Thailand
58. Tunisia
59. *Uganda**- UNDP, UNHCR
60. Ukraine (awaiting outcome of assessment mission)
61. Viet Nam
62. *Western Sahara- UNMAS (MINURSO)
63. Yemen
64. Zambia
Among the interested
annotations in this list is that UNMAS would take over mine removal in Chad if
and when President Deby lets in a UN force. Also, UNICEF's involvement in
Chechnya and in Nepal, where with the UN's relatively new force, UNMAS has moved
in. The listing of not only UNHCR but also UNDP in Uganda is not only ironic but
troubling, in light of
UNDP's involvement with the UPDF,
and
UNDP's reported involvement in the laying
of landmines.
Fijian Troops are "Rotated" to UN in Iraq through
Limitless Loophole in Previous UN Coup Response
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at
the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, April 5 -- Following the military
coup in Fiji in late 2006, the UN had said it would not use more Fijian troops
as peacekeepers until democracy was restored. In recent weeks, New Zealand,
Australia
and the Commonwealth have said they have asked new Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
to implement this policy. Now it turns out that either the policy has changed,
or that the policy wasn't what most people thought it was.
Associate UN Spokesman Farhan Haq told
Inner City Press, to his credit on the record, that the policy "doesn't effect
existing deployments," including the deployment of Fijian troops to protect the
UN in Iraq. Inner City Press asked for a comment on
reports that 15 more Fijians are heading
to Iraq on April 25. Mr. Haq
called this a "rotation," but when was asked if the number of Fijian troops in
UN peacekeeping service is capped, the UN's Mr. Haq said "no."
So,
despite what previous Secretary General Kofi Annan said, even without any move
toward democratization in Fiji, the number of Fijian soldiers for which the UN
pays the Fijian (military) government could go up. Earlier this week, as
subsequently
reported in Fiji,
the head of UN peacekeeping Jean-Marie Guehenno on camera declined to answer
Inner City Press' question on whether his Department is still using, or is
increasing the use of, Fijian peacekeepers. Video
here at
Minute 30:15. Now the ongoing no-comment makes more sense.
The
coup as breaking news. The follow-through? Not so much.
The UN seems to be claiming that no one has explicitly asked for the
cessation of use, even rotation, of Fijian peacekeepers. But a spokesman for
Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) was
quoted
earlier this week that "we have made our view clear about the inappropriateness
of Fiji's participation... given the Fiji military's illegal overthrow of the
legitimately elected government." And as
noted,
in January 2007, New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark said, "We've made it
very clear to the UN that we do not believe they should be using Fijian troops."
Nor has the UN responded on
the record to the quote by the Commonwealth's Secretary-General Don McKinnon,
that Mr. Ban said, "Don, we need these troops," nor to the
claim by Fiji's interim Prime Minister --
that is, military leader --
that Mr. Ban has rebuffed the Commonwealth and implicitly validated the coup in
Fiji.
One correspondent wondered, Why can't
the UN respond and be transparent? Another noted that Fijian troops are prized
by the UN in part because many of them like to visit the Holy Land, and have
done so on bus tours organized by Israel. Fiji, like Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh
and others, makes money from its soldiers.
On
January 5, 2007, Inner City Press asked Ban Ki-moon's spokesperson if he would
implement the statements of Kofi Annan on the use, or dis-use, of Fijian
peacekeepers. "What was previously said, stands," the spokeswoman
answered. Video
here,
from Minute 11:28.
On April 3,
2007, Inner City Press asked the spokesperson to confirm or deny that Mr. Ban has changed this
policy, and has told the head of the Commonwealth that "we need these troops."
"I cannot confirm this at this
point," the spokesperson said. Video
here,
from Minute 10:05. From the
transcript:
Inner City Press: There was a
quote by
the head of the Commonwealth, Don McKinnon, saying he spoke with Ban Ki-moon
about the Fijian peacekeepers, and again asked him to either enforce or
implement the idea that peacekeepers, following the coup, wouldn’t be used by
DPKO. He said, and I'm not sure if it's true or not, "Don, we need the
peacekeepers," Mr. Ban said. Did Mr. Ban say that?
Spokesperson:
I cannot confirm this at this point.
Again the correspondent wondered, Why
can't the UN just respond, one way or the other, and be transparent? We'll see.
UN's Africa Report Sidesteps Zimbabwe's Fall,
Embraces Privatization of Banks
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at
the UN
UNITED NATIONS, April 3 -- Africa's economic future
is painted, in nuanced but generally upbeat tones, in the 2007 report of the
UN's Economic Commission on Africa. The report was presented Monday at UN
Headquarters by Ejeviome Eloho Otobo, something of an in-house UN intellectual,
who repeatedly pitched two of his publications, one in the New School Economic
Review, the other a letter to the editor of the Financial Times.
Inner City Press asked Mr.
Otobo for his views on the economic downturn in Zimbabwe, which the ECA puts at
negative 4.4% growth last year, and which the UN's humanitarian affairs office
last week put at a 40% decline since 2000. Mr. Otobo ascribed the drop to
"political tensions," but did not explain why political tensions in other
African states, from Cote D'Ivoire to Somalia to Uganda, did not result in
anywhere near Zimbabwe's decline. Video
here,
from Minute 36:22 to 39:32. In fact, tension-wracked Sudan was one of the eight
fastest-growing African countries in 2006.
On Monday, Ban Ki-moon
returned to UN Headquarters from a lengthy Middle Eastern trip. Inner City Press
asked Mr. Ban two Africa questions, about Somalia -- click
here
for that story -- and about Zimbabwe. The Harare Q and A, from the transcript:
Inner City
Press: ... while you were away, on Zimbabwe, the Secretariat’s briefer to the
Council said that the situation in Zimbabwe is not a threat to international
peace and security. I am wondering if that’s the Secretariat’s view, or what is
your view on that?
SG: We are also very much concerned about
the situation in there. It is necessary for the leaders of the Zimbabwean
Government to strictly abide by all democratic rules, to firmly establish
democratic rules again. Click
here
for video.
The
ECA "Economic Report on Africa 2007" states, at page 32, that "only one country
-- Zimbabwe -- recorded a negative growth rate in 2006." On page 39, this
decline is diplomatically ascribed to "political difficulties." Inflation makes
its appears on page 41: "In Zimbabwe, inflation increased to 1216 per
cent in 2006 compared to 237.8 per cent in 2005, owing to inflationary financing
of the budget deficit." Still, Zimbabwe scored high in tourism.
Mr.
Otobo, Ms. Montas, UN hand-signals
The ECA report, formally
entitled "Accelerating Africa's Growth and Development to Meet the Millennium
Development Goals - Emerging Challenges and the Way Forward," purports to deal
with the financial services sector in less than one of its 182 pages. The
report's approach is surprising: "financial sector reforms have resulted in a
gradual move towards market-based interest rate determination and curtailment of
the government’s presence in the financial sector through privatization of
government-owned banks. While these are welcome developments" -- that is, ECA
unequivocally portrays bank-privatization as welcome, regardless of buying.
In Mr. Ban's native
South Korea, banks sold by the government were snapped up by predatory investors
like Lone Star, subsequently sued for fraud. Would ECA really like to lure Lone
Star to Africa? There is no discussion of the so-far seminal African
bank-acquisition deal, Barclays return to South Africa by purchasing Absa. Given
the report's 189 pages, this deal merited discussion.
Inner City Press, in the
course of reporting on another of the UN's regional economic commissions,
ESCWA in Lebanon,
received detailed reports from Addis Ababa regarding abuses under the 1995-2005
head of UNECA, K.Y. Amoako of Ghana, including that he unceremoniously had
ejected from Ethiopia any dissenters among his ranks, family first. How these
far-flung UN commissions can remain accountable and credible is a question for
reform, and a question of the objectivity of their reports. We'll see.
As Somali Mortars Fly, Ban Ki-moon Waits for April 16
Summit, While Some Clans Are Excluded
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at
the UN
UNITED NATIONS, April 2 -- As mortars fly
in Somalia, now with the
involvement of mercenaries,
the UN continues to point toward an April 16 summit which most predict will not
be inclusive. Alongside the fighting in and flight from Mogadishu, doubts have
increased about the Transitional Federal Government's commitment to involvement
any of its perceived opponents, or now-disfavored clans.
Monday
at UN headquarters, Inner City Press asked Ban Ki-moon about Somalia:
Inner City
Press: On Somalia, it was
reported that Egyptian Foreign Minister has written to the UN, AU and Arab
League, asking for immediate intervention to stop the conflict in Mogadishu. I
wanted to know if you have received that, what your thinking is?
Ban Ki-moon: On Somalia, during the
Riyadh Summit meeting, we had a mini-summit to discuss this issue, which was
convened by the Saudi Foreign Minister. It was very useful. We hope that the
Somali government will be able to convene the national reconciliation congress,
which is scheduled for April 16th. The international community should continue
to encourage the Transitional Federal Government’s efforts. (Click
here
for video.)
While sidestepping the request for
response to today's fighting in Somalia, it is also unclear what efforts by the
TFG are being supported. For more than a month, the UN has been asked, what is
being done to encourage the TFG to reach out to its opponents?
Ban
Ki-moon on April 2, hoping Mogadishu can hold for a fortnight
On March 7, Inner City Press
submitted questions, including a request for response to a detail critique of
the TFG's inclusiveness, to the spokesman of the UN Political Office on Somalia,
Ian Steele, and to the address OCHA Online provides for its Somalia coordinator,
Eric Laroche.
The latter bounced back, and Mr. Steele has yet to respond. The
UNPOS
web site, at least its front
page, has not been updated since January.
In the midst of all this is the affable
Francois Lonseny Fall. He at least took questions from the rostrum, at the UN on
March 14. He said, "4.5 is very important," but only defined it out in the hall.
Posts in the Transitional Federal Institutions should be given out equally to
the four main clans in Somalia, with an additional "point five" to the
remaining, smaller minorities.
But Inner City Press has received, and
provided to UNPOS and then DPA for comment, the following message and list of
appointments, which is decidedly top-heavy with one particular clan:
Subj: UN
creates a dictator in Somalia while condemning others elsewhere
From: [Name
withheld in this format]
To: Matthew
Russell Lee
Date: 3/6/2007
11:32:04 PM Eastern Standard Time
Excellent
reports on Somalia and the incompetent role of the UN. A good question to ask
the UN is if they have monitored the basis of the TFG charter i.e. 4.5 power
sharing. This power sharing is the result of the UN sponsored meeting that
culminated in the formation of the TFG. The TFG's claim to legitimacy is derived
solely from the UN's endorsement of that agreement. Did the UN compare the
diversity in clans of the current president's staff, appointments to the
military, police, secret service, ambassadorships etc. and that of his immediate
predecessor Abdiqasim Salad Hassan. The government forces are over 90% Puntland
militia members. An op-ed article on one of the Somali websites noted that the
appointments to high military, police, security positions etc are almost all
from the President's clan. Below is an excerpt from the article...
Military &
Police Appointments: Position, Name, Clan Affiliation
1. Chief of
Staff of Military Axmed Mahdi Cabdisalaan Ogaadeen- Darood
2. Chief of
Police Ali Madoobe - Mareehaan - Darood
3. Chief of
Staff of Military Abdullaahi Ali Omar (Ina libaaxsankataabte) Majeerteen / Carab
Saalax - Darood
4. Head of
National Security Service Col Maxamed Darwiish Majeerteen- Darood
6. Head of
First Division Abdirisaaq Afguduud - Majeerteen - Darood
7. Head of
Second Division Abdullaahi Fartaag Mareehaan
8. Head of
Third Division Hiif Ali Taar Majeerteen- Darood
9. Head of
Fourth Division Col Abdullaahi Arays Majeerteen- Darood
10. Head of Sea
Port and Airport Mogadishu Joocaar - Majeerteen -Darood
On March 14, Inner City Press re-posed
these questions and demographics to the spokesman for the UN's Department of
Political Affairs. Five days later, this response arrived:
Subj: Qs, & the
follow-up on Jan Egeland, thanks
From: [DPA
Spokesman at] un.org
To: Matthew
Russell Lee
Date: 3/19/2007
11:35:03 AM Eastern Standard Time
Matthew,
regarding your question as to the UN's position regarding a statement issued on
6 March by a group in Somalia, I've consulted with UNPOS and can give you the
following response:
"We have no
specific reaction to the statement you refer to, which was dated several weeks
ago, but SRSG Fall and other members of the international community have
repeatedly expressed the view that an all-inclusive dialogue is essential to
peace and stability in Somalia. They continue to encourage the TFG to include
all national stakeholders who have renounced violence in the National
Reconciliation Congress planned for 16 April in Mogadishu."
Maybe, just maybe, the April
16 Congress will cure all previous missteps. Meanwhile, the UN has stood by
while Ethiopian troops took over, at least temporarily, Mogadishu, while the
U.S. bombed in the south and now sends
DynCorp mercenaries,
and while even the UN-annointed Transitional Federal Government excludes major
clans contrary to the "4.5" system that the UN calls important, without really
defining. It means that the four major clans each were supposed to get equal
numbers of government posts, with the remaining minorities in Somalia getting a
"point five" share. It has fallen out of whack, as now helicopters are shot out
of the sky. Questions will continue to be asked.
Other Inner City Press
reports are available in the ProQuest service and some are archived on
www.InnerCityPress.com --
Copyright 2006 Inner City Press, Inc. To request
reprint or other permission, e-contact Editorial [at] innercitypress.com - phone: (718) 716-3540