On
DRC, UN's
Human Rights
Due Diligence
Policy
Explained by
OHCHR, DPKO
Stonewalls
By
Matthew
Russell Lee
UNITED
NATIONS,
November 26 --
Amid reports
of units of
the Congolese
Army,
with which the
UN works,
burning houses
and raping in
Goma, Sake and
Minova, Inner
City Press has
for days
sought from
the UN
Department
of
Peacekeeping
Operations
basic
information
about these
abuses, and
its so-called
Human Rights
Due Diligence
Policy.
DPKO
chief Herve
Ladsous
refused to
answer any
Press
questions, on
MONUSCO
inaction
in Pinga
and then Goma
and Bukavu,
on November 21.
On November 23
Inner City
Press asked in
writing
regarding
MONUSCO's
partners,
including the
FARDC and the
Mai Mai and
NYATURA with
whom they
collaborate,
asking to know
"how the UN's
Human Rights
Due Diligence
Policy was
applied to all
units MONUSCO
is supporting
or operating
in concert
with."
Ladsous'
spokesman
Kieran Dwyer
replied on
November 23,
"I am looking
into that" --
but three days
later, nothing.
Of MONUSCO's
partners the
Congolese Army
FARDC, the
Office of the
High
Commissioner
on Human
Rights
reported on
November 23:
"Alleged
violations
carried out by
FARDC soldiers
include: the
wounding of
six civilians,
including a
child,
in the Majengo
quarter of
Goma on 18
November; the
wounding of a
man by a FARDC
soldier, in
Mugunga, in
Nyragongo
territory,
North Kivu ,
also on
18
November;
and the
looting and
burning of
houses by
FARDC soldiers
in Goma, on 19
November."
The
UN Office of
the High
Commissioner
on Human
Rights has at
least
provided basic
information to
Inner City
Press about
the Policy, if
not its
application by
DPKO.
Spokesman
Rupert
Colville
summarized to
Inner City
Press that "in
DRC, because
of the large
amount of
information
that UN has
been able to
gather on
individuals
composing
the FARDC, the
application of
the policy has
so far focused
on an
elaborate
'profiling
mechanism,'
which allows
MONUSCO to
identify
individuals
with a bad
human rights
record and
ensure their
removal
from units
that will or
would benefit
from the
support
provided by
the UN."
More
generally,
Colville
states that
"whenever in
the context of
this
support, human
rights
violations are
reported
through this
monitoring
framework, the
UN entity has
to intervene
with these
security
forces
or recipients
of support so
that these
violations are
brought to an
end and
adequately
addressed. If
despite these
interventions,
violations
continue or
are not
adequately
addressed, the
support
should be
suspended or
withdrawn."
This
sounds
good. But then
which are the
FARDC units
which OHCHR
reported
burned houses
in Goma after
the entry of
M23? Who in
the UN system
has gone out
to Minova,
where FARDC
abuses have
been reported
by
journalists
who relatively
easily got in?
At
Monday's UN
noon briefing,
after waiting
60 hours for
information
DPKO said it
was "looking
into," Inner
City Press
asked UN
Secretary
General Ban
Ki-moon's
deputy
spokesman
Eduardo Del
Buey:
Inner
City Press: I
remember you
saying last
week that one
benefit of
sort
of remaining
there is to
keep records
of abuses.
There are many
abuses,
reports of the
FARDC [Forces
Armées
de la
République
Démocratique
du Congo] and
an affiliated
militia going
to a town
called Minova
that’s between
Sake and
Bukavu and
looting
houses,
raping women,
so I wonder,
has MONUSCO
accessed that
town and do
you
have some
report on
this, on these
abuses?
Deputy
Spokesperson:
Well, we’ll
check with
DPKO to see
what they have
on
that, Matthew.
Five
hours later,
just as for
the sixty
hours before,
no information
was
provided. In
light for
example of
what MONUSCO
is reported to
have
done, or not
done, in Pinga,
are they to be
trusted to
implement on
their own,
without any
oversight or
answers, this
Human Rights
Due
Diligence
Policy?
Footnote:
earlier
on Monday
Inner City
Press reported
that it was
Susana
Malcorra
and not Herve
Ladsous who
went for the
UN to the DRC
talks
in Kampala.
Then it was
discovered --
well, tweeted
-- where
Ladsous had
been: giving a
speech to 100
students at
the UK
Royal College
of Defense
Studies. In
the midst of
MONUSCO's
radical
failure in the
Congo, these
priorities
seem
misplaced.
Watch this
site.