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By Matthew Russell Lee, Video I II III RS HK

FEDERAL COURTHOUSE, December 5 – In the UN bribery prosecution by the US against Patrick Ho of China Energy Fund Committee, both prosecution and defense did their summations on December 4. On December 5 at 2 pm the jurors quickly found Ho guilty on seven of the eight changes against him: all five under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and money laundering and conspiracy for the Uganda scheme with Sam Kutesa and Museveni but NOT for money laundering in Chad There the payment was $2 million in cash - it was never laundered.  The UN has yet to act: it has left CEFC accredited while banning the Press that reported on it, and on this (CEFC moving to violate Iran sanctions). On December 4 prosecutor Daniel Richenthal did a rebuttal on both the Chad and Uganda schemes. Richenthal tried to rehabilitate Cheikh Gadio, saying the money he took from an unnamed courier from a businessman was only $20,000 and that Gadio hadn't lied about it. He emphasized the emails as evidence and ended with a photo of Ho with Uganda's oil minister, looking at a map of sites. Ho paid to be there, Richenthal said. This is what bribery looks like. Judge Loretta Preska deliverd a nearly two hour jury charge, including the Uganda anti-corruption law that must mena little, if Kutesa hasn't been charged under it. Th jury will returned at 10 am on December 5, now a Federal holiday in honor of George H.W. Bush (who nominated Preska). Defense attorney Edward Kim urged them to request and review many exhibits, and it's to some of those that Inner City Press will not turn. Watch this site. It still seems that the US does not know if the gift boxes CEFC brought to Kampala on its jet included $500,000 in cash. Prosecutor Douglas Zolkind said it doesn't matter. But it surely did matter to Museveni - and to the Ugandan people, if they and their votes matter (see, e.g., Bobi Wine). And it mattered to the defense, whose Edward Kim made much of the $500,000 discrepancy, as well as calling Gadio a liar. Next up: Richenthal for the prosecution, and the charge. On the afternoon of December 3 the jury charge was agreed to, after the defense temporarily argued that "New York, New York" might not be in Manhattan and thus in the Southern District's jurisdiction. Prosecutor Daniel Richenthal said he was ready to re-open his case to prove the 60 Wall Street, where Deutsche Bank is, is in fact in Manhattan. Defense attorney Benjamin Rosenberg said, after a time, "We won't make that objection. Judge Preska said, "That's a wise move." She also asked if the exhibits had been made available. Inner City Press replied Not yet, which remains the case as least as to it as of 6:35 pm the night before summations. (Before 9 am Inner City Press had written requesting particular exhibits, on which we will have more.)

  Despite Wednesday's national holiday in honor of George H.W. Bush (of whom Judge Preska spoke a number of times during Tuesday's down-times), Ho will on that day be produced (legalese requiring translation from the largely Hong Kong media left) the jury will deliberate. We'll be there. There was hardly any defense, other than the explosive cross examination of Senegal's former foreign minister Cheikh Gadio (who admitted taking cash from an undisclosed businessman for his previous presidential campaign). The government finally put into evidence CEFC's purchase of Apartment 78B in Trump World Tower, which PGA Vuk Jeremic, Gadio and others visited. There were weapons for oil offers prepared inside the UN. The jury will be charged on December 4. on the morning of November 30 the prosecution  detailed how CEFC bought UN PGA Sam Kutesa - and played an audio wiretap of Ho discussing bribing UN PGA John Ash with Sheri Yan, who did jail time in the first UN bribery case of Ng Lap Seng. As to Uganda, CEFC instead of $500,00 case did a wire transfer - it was cheaper, through pliant HSBC bank which also money launders for Mexican drug cartels - and there was Ho, in purple like today, as Museveni's inauguration. He brought gift with him - a vase, painting, what locked to be a clock - to a dinner at Kutesa's residence. Then the prosecution flashed a list of the times Ho entered the UN - the UN has that information, you see, though they refused to provide it when Inner City Press asked, as to Francis Lorenzo, Ho and Carlos Garcia, preferring to ban Inner City Press. The prosecution left for Monday showing the agreement under which CEFC and its missing Chairman Ye bought unit 78B in Trump World Tower. After a wan cross examination by Ho's lawyer Benjamin Rosenberg (Judge Preska essentially shut him down), the jury was told they may get the case as early as Wednesday, when Antonio Guterres like his predecessor will be put up for sale at Cipriani on 42nd Street. This week, along with the depths of UN corruption, revealed how in China the formal government has a murky relationship with quasi state firms like CEFC, which on the one hand paved Xi's way into the Czech Republic and on the other, tried to get Chad's Deby to "make" Chinese state oil company CNPC to get it a piece of the action, perhaps for the Defense Committee of the Chinese Communisty Party, presumably the sources of the weapons and drones CEFC was offering to Deby and others in Libya and South Sudan. This is the NGO that Antonio Guterres has refused to audit and keeps in the UN while roughing up and banning Inner City Press. Kutesa's sale of the UN began through previous PGA Vuk Jeremic, who told Kutesa it would be "win - win" with CEFC. Then Ho emailed Kutesa's chief of staff Arthur Kafeero, whom Inner City Press wrote about before being banned from even entering the UN by UNSG Antonio Guterres. Later Ho did his emailing with Sam's wife Edith Gasana Kutesa, who asked for money to supposedly make good on an electoral campaign to  pledge help Kutesa's young constituents (although she also bragging that Kutesa had no opposing candidate). She wrote, Youth are impatient - so send me the money! Ho arranged for $500,000 while pitching Edith on all the things (and people) CEFC had bought in Czech Republic. As Inner City Press reported and asked about before being roughed up and banned by UNSG Antonio Guterres, the Czech Ambassador headed ECOSOC, which refused to even look into CEFC's accreditation after Ho's arrest. CEFC used the UN to pitch weapons to dictators. And Guterres is covering up for them. Ho met Kutesa and his son Isaac for three hours in the PGA office - the type of entry Guterres is trying to prevent coverage of - and as his "PGA residence." Ho would email Kafeera and be scheduled as  speaker at the UN, which under Guterres took CEFC's $1 million even AFTER Ho was arrested. The UN of Guterres is corrupt. Periscope video here. Also on November 30, finishing up on the Chad scheme with FBI Agent Galicia, a CEFC web page with Bill Clinton was shown. We'll have more on this. On November 29, Senegal's former Foreign Minister Cheikh Gadio admitted he took $20,000 from an unnamed courier from a businessman he did not want to identify. Then Gadio pushed a journalist in the street and told Inner City Press he would answer its questions later. Video here (YouTube), shorter (Twitter). But if that seemed to give home to Ho, the upcoming Uganda scheme should not. Whether not a disputed prosecution chart comes into evidence, the undelying timeline is damning. Ho for CEFC told then UN President of the General Assembly Vuk Jeremic, who was already working for CEFC, that they wanted to meet his successor Sam Kutesa of Uganda. This culminated, while Kutesa was still UN PGA, in CEFC's chairman Ye Jianming being named a special adviser to the United Nations PGA. This is disgusting, given that CEFC was pushing weapons to Idriss Deby in Chad. More disgusting, Ho used Ye's inroaded into the Czech Republic, whose ambassador to the UN, chairing UN ECOSOC, refused to act on ECOSOC accredited CEFC even after Ho was arrested. Guterres and his spokesman Stephane Dujarric played their cover up roles in this. We'll have more on all this. Gadio is not the defendant in this bribery case - he is, at least so far, the prosecution's lead witness, with a Non Prosecution Agreement. But does that NPA cover Gadio, after his testimony, pushing a journalist on the street outside the court? Video here (YouTube), shorter (Twitter). Inner City Press along with other journalists, mostly from Hong Kong media, waiting outside the Southern District of New York courthouse at day's end. Gadio emerged and Inner City Press asked him how he thought the day had gone. He did not answer but rushed past. Inner City Press asked, louder, "Are you still running for president of Senegal?" Gadio turned back and pushed a journalist who was following him. This happened again a few blocks away. Finally on the stoop of a pharmacy on Canal Street Gadio's companion said he would not be answering questions today but to give your business card. Inner City Press gave its and asked if the former President of Senegal Gadio who took money from China for dropping Taiwan was Abdoulaye Wade. Gadio looked back in recognition - then was gone. Inner City Press previously questioned him in the UN when he was the Organization for Islamic Cooperation's envoy on the Central African Republic. Much has changed since then. As Inner City Press reported yesterday, Gadio was already on shaky ground when his email to Ho complaining he hadn't gotten Chinese money after, as Senegal's foreign minister in 2005, he worked to drop Taiwan and recognize the PR of China. But the bag of (campaign) cash allegation, dropped without warning in cross examination by Edward Kim, caused a break in the proceeding. Inner City Press rushed down to retrieve its phone and tweet and quickly live stream the news, here. Back upstairs, the name of the businessman was not disclosed, allegedly to protect him - from current president Macky Sall? We'll have more on this. Gadio testified for a second day about how he tried to broker weapons to Chad's President Idriss Deby from CEFC's Patrick Ho, who delivered gift boxes with $2 million in cash inside. Gadio's testimony got more specific, that in March 2015 Deby wanted to keep the meeting with CEFC small and confidential, "because of the war situation." Gadio cited Boko Haram, and Ho in a text message said CEFC's offer, for CNPC's 10%, was $200 million "and some arms." This is the head of a still UN accredited NGO, offering weapons for oil - with no audit by SG Antonio Guterres. Gadio tried to get paid for offering opportunities with the Chad - Cameroon pipelines. Gadio's firm Sarata had its bank account in Dubai closed for not being able to document where the money came from; his joint UN tax return with his wife, the head of the UN in Equatorial Guinea, was found to be false and is part of Gadio's non prosecution agreement. And the UN? And Gadio's reiterated dream to run for President of Senegal, after saying in writing he wanted money from China, while foreign minister, for flipping the country from Taiwan to the PR of China? The defense began its cross examination shortly before the lunch break, getting Gadio to admit he misspoke when he claimed Deby was calling him everyday. Mid-day Periscope video here. These will be more in the afternoon, which we'll report, while Guterres' UN tries to cover up the corruption in its walls - by banning the Press. Watch this site.

 - and what happened afterwards. But there are clouds on the horizon, unless Judge Preska swats them down, for the cross examination of Gadio. The lawyers for Ho, who it seems clear was using the corrupt UN's "special consultative status" to promote oil business and military equipment, point out these US statements, which the prosecutions does not want the jury to hear about: "That Dr. Gadio had intentionally omitted a key asset from his disclosures to
Pretrial Services (Ex. A at 20 (“[T]he only reasonable interpretation of that is Mr.
Gadio doesn’t want to admit his association with that firm although it is not
reasonably subject to dispute.”));
• That Dr. Gadio’s statement in an email to Dr. Ho in 2014 was “referring to a $2
million bribe that Mr. Gadio later wrote about how he should get a fee for and he
negotiated it and he got $400,000 to the firm that he omitted from the Pretrial
Services report” (id. at 21);
• That Dr. Gadio had “admitted facts that the law recognizes as criminal” (id. at
25);
• That Dr. Gadio had omitted foreign income from the Pretrial Services report
“both to avoid taxes and because he didn’t want anyone to know what it was for
because it’s a lot of money, $400,000 wire or two $200,000 wires . . .” (id.); and
• That the omissions are “an additional indication [Dr. Gadio] is running away from
what I’m referring to as the Gadio Firm which he omitted in the description of his
employment because that is a serious problem” (id. at 26). " These statements, like Gadio's threat to trash CEFC to Deby unless CEFC paid him money, are serious problems - unless blocked. The only certainty here is that the UN is corrupt, and a venue for corruption. Gadio texted Deby that his "Chinese friends" were coming to N'djamena with "excellent offers." But when the meeting happened, after speeches by Deby and Ho and CEFC's Zang, suddenly CEFC brought in gift boxes, "as big as that TV," Gadio told the court. Deby accepted them. But then Gadio, back in his hotel, got a call to return to meet Deby alone. According to Gadio, the coup leader Deby was offended. He had no problem with the cash staying in the country, but required a letter re-characterizing it as a donation. This was provided but Gadio criticized how it was written. By this time, the email made clear, Gadio was mostly focused on getting paid. He'd asked CEFC for $100,00 for a Dakar event co-sponsored by France's then-President Francois Hollande. (He also took money from Total, Hertz and a Zimbabwe cell phone company). Gadio texted his son Boubker in Dubai that if the Chinese didn't pay him by January "we will go to Chad in January and destroy their reputation and strategies in Chad! The President will listen to us!" This was ALL IN CAPS. When asked about the threat by Douglas Zolkind of the prosecution, getting ready for the defense's cross examination, Gadio said he as "translating my frustration" which Zolkind repeated as channeling. This might not work well on cross, which we will be covering, watch this site. Day 3 video here. Initially, UN President of the General Assembly Vuk Jeremic set it up, putting CEFC who he went on to work for in contact with Gadio. Both met Ho - Jeremic with UN Security who said nothing - in Trump World Tower. Gadio used the UN to reach Deby, in a "high level" meeting on Central African Republic. (In another Gadio UN connection, when confronted about the $2 million in cash Gadio called his wife, the head of the UN in Equatorial Guinea.) UN PGA Jeremic's deal making culminating in CEFC offering tanks and surveillance equipment to military coup leader Deby (Gadio lauded him a Pan Africanist, citing no less than Marcus Garvey).

 Gadio's emails may kill off once and for all his ambition to run again for President of Senegal. In one, he complains that in 2005 when he was Foreign Minister and Senegal switched from recognizing Taiwan to the PR China, he didn't get paid. He wrote that the then President of Senegal got millions of dollars from the Chinese but didn't pass through any to him and that he complained to his Chinese counterparts about it. How will this play in Senegal? Watch this site. The opening statements were given on November 26. US Prosecutor Paul A. Hayden said Patrick Ho used UN accredited NGO CEFC to cultivate Sam Kutesa while he was President of the General Assembly, and is caught on audio tape planning to bribe other high UN official(s) - and still no audit by UNSG Antonio Guterres. On November 27 after former UN President of the General Assembly Vuk Jeremic under subpoena testified about the role of Cheikh Gadio in CEFC reaching Chad's president Deby, Gadio himself took the stand at 4:35 pm. Post-testimony stand-up video here.

He said he didn't know that CEFC's Ho would have $2 million in gift boxes to hand over at Deby's mansion -- he said he could "only think of it as a bribery attempt" -- but that he "didn't walk away." Why not? Gadio said he wanted to get paid for his and his company SARATAs work - and then Gadio said Deby needed help to fight Boko Haram, an excused use for example by the also long term president of Cameroon, Paul Biya. Inner City Press has heard from Senegal that, contrary to a portion of the defense's opening statement, Gadio is no longer running for president there but instead supports incumbent Macky Sall. He stopped abruptly a few minutes before five o'clock and, unwittingly, stayed in the court room as defense and prosecution began to argue about whethere Ho's visits to the US when he did not enter the UN should still come into evidence. Inner City Press has repeatedly asked the UN to disclose its knowledge of how many times Ho, from his base across First Avenue in Trump World Tower, entered the UN - but Guterres' UN has refused. Likewise, Gadio when asked to disclose his jobs after being Senegal's foreign minister listed a political party but NOT his stint as the Organization for Islamic Cooperation's envoy on Central African Republic. We'll have more on this - and this: earlier on November 27 a CEFC voluteer then staffer, David Riccardi-Zhu, said he was referred to CEFC by his father who worked for the UN. He attended meetings in CEFC's office / apartment in the Trump World Tower, where Ho met with a yet to be named "foreign representative from the United Kingdom." He described UN DESA bending over for CEFC and its sustainable development award - which in 2017 Guterres' DESA still took CEFC's money for even after Ho was arrested and indicted for UN bribery. Inner City Press asked the UN repeatedly about it - and was then roughed up by Guterres' security and has been banned from entering the UN 145 days and counting.  Earlier on November 27, Jeremic described doing work for CEFC while still PGA. He tried to get CEFC business with Mexico's PEMEX through "Emilio." He later tried to broker the sale of a potash mine - in court he said since this is related to fertilizer, it is "a high priority of the UN." He went to meetings in Trump Tower - the one across from the UN, in Apartment 78B, not the one on Fifth Avenue - and acted as a go-between for a CEFC Texas foray, with Noel Thompson who, Jeremic said, promoted wrestling in the UN. The UN comes off as entirely corrupt. And it emerged that Ho was trying to cut his own deal, around CEFC which is paying his legal fees. As soon as Jeremic left he started the process to sign on as a CEFC consultant at $333,333 a year. This require a waiver from Serbia, where he had been foreign minister. But the UN, then as now, has NO cooling off period. Inner City Press asked Jeremic about it during the court's lunch break. He said he had complied with rules - Serbian rules. There are no UN rules; UNSG Antonio Guterres refused to audit CEFC, lawlessly roughs up and bans Inner City Press which asks, including banning it from UNGA week which must now be seen as a hotbed of oil and gas and potash deals. We'll have more on this - it is unclear if Jeremic will take up the rest of the court's day, or if Gadio may start before the end of November 27. On November 26 at 9 am before heading to cover jury selection, Inner City Press in writing asked Guterres, his Deputy Amina J. Mohammed and Global Communicator Alison Smale: "November 26-7: On this the day the UN bribery trial of Ho / China Energy Fund Committee / PGA Kutesa begins, please immediately provide the UN's read out of the DSG's meeting Nov 22 with China's FM, and separately state where the increasingly reported issue of Chinese (government aligned) NGO bribery in the UN was discussed. Relatedly, again, what safeguards are in place for the SG's appearance, for which money is being charged, to ensure that the (Ng Lap Seng) pattern does not repeat itself on the evening of December 5, 2018." Hours later, lead UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric's deputy Farhan Haq replied with this, seeming recycled from the Ng Lap Seng case: "Regarding question Nov. 26-7, we can say that the Organization has cooperated extensively in this matter by making thousands of pages of documents available, as well as providing access to UN personnel." Did Guterres' UN really make thousands of pages of documents available in this Patrick Ho case? If so, how can Guterres claim the case does not concern the UN and merit an audit? We'll have more on this. In the US' opening, Hayden described Ho meeting Cheikh Gadio for the first time steps from the UN; defense lawyer Benjamin Rosenberg countered that Gadio's desire to run for president of Senegal made him cut a deal at any cost. Periscope just after leaving court, here. Longer YouTube here. Before these openings, dozens of prospective jurors were whittled down to 12 with three alternates. Among those not agreed on to stay were the editor of a major magazine and a retired investment banker who travels to get Democrats elected to national office. (We are not using names or more - the insider scribes say there is an understanding, on which we'll have more). Most jurors said they read few newpapers, with a reference to the Daily News for the commute, Yahoo "junk" and social media. They filed into Courtroom 12A, the prosecution estimated the trial will take two, possibly three weeks. Ho was brought in, wearing purple; he looked to the back of the courtroom, eight or so most Asian journalists, Inner City Press, no one apparently from the UN. Some 35 prospective jurors were assigned numbers and were told the case involved charges of bribery of Chad's President Idriss Deby and of Sam Kutesa, then the President of the UN General Assembly, still Uganda's foreign minister. Did any juror feels biased? No one raised their hand. Any juror particularly burdened by a two or three week trial? Many stood up and, after sidebars, some were excused including one Amy Tan (called back to the sidebar twice). The defense had a jury consultant, one Dr. Blackburn, described to the jurors by the defense as "with us." Mid-day Periscope live stream at courthouse door here. The day before the U.S. has asked that Cheikh Gadio not be asked what he heard about how the $2 million Ho gave to Chad's President Idriss Deby was used. The government argues in a letter motion to Jude Loretta A. Preska that Ho didn't know: "Gadio has no personal knowledge as to what happened to the $2 million cash that the defendant and his CEFC colleagues brought to Chad and presented to President Déby. Gadio has no firsthand information as to whether these funds were ultimately used, in whole or part, for “good” or “bad” or “permissible” or “impermissible” purposes after CEFC sent the so-called “donation” letter. However, Gadio’s 3500 material reflects that, at some point, a third-party told Gadio that the money was directed to a supposed good and permissible use. Gadio does not know whether this is true, and in any event, he never spoke about this with the defendant. Thus, the defendant should be precluded from cross-examining Gadio
about what he learned after-the-fact from any third-party." The U.S. also seeks to prevent Gadio being cross-examined about misstatements to pre-trial services when he was Ho's co-defendant. It is not clear when Preska will rule on the letter motion. She has said the trial will begin at 10 am each day but she is willing to hear arguments in her chambers before that. Inner City Press, which covered the pre-trial hearing even while banned from the UN by UNSG Antonio Guterres who is trying to cover it up, not even auditing CEFC's other and ongoing activities in the UN, will be covering the trial. Ho has tried to use CEFC's ongoing UN "Special Consultative Status" to avoid criminal charges. This and Ho's other motions were denial by Judge Preska on November 14, including a motion to exclude testimony from Cheikh Gadio, from government expert Mr. Walkout, and to exclude Ho's dealings with Sam Kutesa's predecessor as UNGA President Sam Ashe. All of this will come in at trial - and makes the failure by UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres to even audit CEFC's bribes in the UN more outrageous. This UN-accredited NGO offered to broker arms not only to Chad but also Qatar, Libya and South Sudan, about which Guterres and the UN purport to care so much. Ho and CEFC offered themselves as  way to evade Iran sanctions. This evidence will come in a trial; the government has agreed not to mention terrorism or US - Iran relations. A 23 minute video of Ho's UN speeches will not come in, being called "gauzy" as is the UN of Guterres who has banned Inner City Press which covers the UN's increasing corruption, from Ng Lap Seng and Ashe to CEFC, Kutesa and beyond, ongoing. We'll have more on this. Ho was trying to exclude testimony from initial co-defendant Cheikh Gadio about Chadian President Idriss Deby's reaction to the bribe. The papers were filed on November 13 and are first being reported by Inner City Press, which as it covers this second UN bribery case has been roughed up and now banned for 132 days by UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres who won't even audit CEFC's ongoing activities in the UN. Four months after the arrest for UN bribery of former Senegalese foreign minister Cheik Gadio and Patrick Ho, the head of China Energy Fund Committee full funded by CEFC China Energy, his ultimate boss at CEFC Ye Jianming was brought in for questioning in China. On October 4 Ho was again denied bail. Periscope video here. On October 22, the new trial date was set for November 26. On November 12 Inner City Press, banned from the UN by Secretary General Antonio Guterres amid its questions about the CEFC bribery and its connection to the Ng Lap Seng conviction, asked Guterres and his spokesmen: "November 12-4: Now that it is clear that Foreign Intelligence Surveilance Act wiretaps show Sheri Yan, jailed for UN bribery in the PGA John Ashe case, communicating and planned with Patrick Ho of CEFC, please explain why SG Antonio Guterres has not even started an audit into the range CEFC's bribery and interactions in the UN, why it still has access to UN while Inner City Press which which pursued Ng Lap Seng's and Yan's bribery even into the UN Press Briefing Room (29 Jan 2016) and the Patrick Ho / CEFC case, has been denied access to anything in the UN for 131 days with no due process." Guterres' deputy spokesman Farhan Haq conducted a noon briefing Inner City Press was banned from, starting with a total of three correspondents. Video here. He and the UN have not answered since, see below. After he did not answer - but he did answer Yahoo News for a story which, inexplicably, does not mention Guterres or his failure to audit CEFC's activities at the UN. Others who have done nothign about the bribery, or about Guterres' roughing up and banning of Inner City Press, like HRW's Ken Roth and FP's Colum Lynch, belatedly retweeted the Ho / Yan corruption story. But what will they and the UN they love so much do? On November 4 Ho's attempt to "suppress all evidence obtained or derived under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act" was denied, with a decision that no hearing on it was needed. The FISA information includes wiretaps of Ho and another bribing NGO the Global Sustainability Foundations's Sheri Yan or her deputy planning to pay bribes. This is described today by the Sydney Morning Herald, which while saying that UN officials who it leaves unnamed are lavishing praises on the Belt and Road which Ho now uses as a defense of his alleged bribes, fails to mention main praiser Antonio Guterres. Nor does SMH - Shaking My Head -- mention that unlike even Ban Ki-mon with Ng Lap Seng, Guterres has refused to even start an audit into Ho's (and Yang II's) bribery in the UN, but instead had roughed up and banned Inner City Press which reports on it. Ng Lap Seng paid money to a group Guterres is slated to headline a fundraiser for on December 5, a group he and his spokesman Stephane Dujarric use to support their attack on the investigative Press. We'll have more on this. Hong Kong television has broadcast a report on these alleged UN and Deby bribes, including an interview with Inner City Press which has been banned from the UN by Antonio Guterres amid its coverage of UN corruption and Guterres' refusal to even audit, has been broadcast. The Court's ruling against Ho on FISA notes that "FISA requires a finding of probable cause to believe that: (1) the target of the electronic surveillance or physical search is a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power." There will be at least one more court session before the trial starts; voir dire and jury instructions are being debated. The reckoning time is approaching. In a hearing Inner City Press covered - there were no other UN correspondents there, for this UN bribery case - it emerged that the prosecution has turned over 3,300 emails to a vendor, and that each side will meet with Judge Preska "in camera" about Confidential Information, under US v Mustafa, 992 F. Supp. 2d 335. Video here. We'll have more on this. Ho's lawyers, paid by CEFC, are arguing that the Chinese government's One Belt, One Road (OBOR) campaign, under which they says Ho's payments were made, must be considered at the delayed trial with testimony from "Professor Kirby as 'an expert in contemporary China’s business, economic, and political development with a particular focus on international activities.'" Given the many times as UN Secretary General that Antonio Guterres, who has refused to even audit CEFC's and Ho's payments in the UN, has praised China's One Belt, One Road - might Guterres be called or offer himself as a pro-Ho defense witness at trial? Guterres already maintains a secret banned from the UN list including "political activists," see here. His failure to audit is also covering up UN-accredited NGO CEFC's communications with "Iranian officials, apparently so that they could discuss potential transactions involving oil or precious metals. (See Gov’t Br. at 11-12.)  The government proffers “evidence of the defendant’s interest in and willingness
to broker transactions in arms.” (Gov’t Br. at 12.) Specifically, the government proffers evidence that Dr. Cheikh Gadio purported to pass to Dr. Ho a request from President Déby that CEFC Energy intervene with the Chinese government to cause it to provide arms to Déby so that he could fight Boko Haram. (Id. at 12-13.) It also proffers evidence that Dr. Ho emailed with “an individual” in March and April 2015 about selling arms to South Sudan, Qatar, and Libya." On October 9 the prosecution requested that the trial begin later than the scheduled November 5, writing to Judge Loretta A. Preska among other things that "this past Friday, October 5, 2018, the defendant submitted a classified notice pursuant to Section 5 of the Classified Information Procedures Act (“CIPA”). The defendant could have filed such notice a number of weeks ago, but waited until the very last day on which such a filing would be deemed timely under CIPA. The defendant also did not notify the Government that he intended to submit such a notice until the Court directed the parties to confer during last
week’s conference. The Government now has to draft, have approved for submission, and submit
a classified response in opposition, in which it intends to request a hearing concerning the use, relevance, and admissibility of classified information that would otherwise be made public by the defense during the trial, and expects, assuming appropriate authorization is provided, to request that the hearing be held in camera." If Ho's lawyers were slow, the US government's Voice of America is more so: it took it five days to report on the public bail hearing held in lower Manhattan on October 4. Tellingly, the report did not include VOA's long-time UN embedded reporter Margaret Besheer, nor did it mention Ho's arms brokering to South Sudan nor the name of previous and convicted UN briber Ng Lap Seng. Besheer has worked with Secretary General Antonio Guterres' spokesman Stephane Dujarric to bar Inner City Press from even entering the UN and is involved with a pro-UN correspondents group which took $50,000 from Ng then provided the venue for his photo op with the UN Secretary General. Similar quid pro quos are expected with Guterres on December 5 on 42nd Street, watch this site. Back on October 4 Ho's lawyers argued that dropping the case against Gadio - who will testify against Ho - means that Ho conspired with no one. But Gadio will say he didn't know Ho had $2 million in cash for Chad President Deby in gift boxes; he's being allowed (or made) to say that Deby didn't know either. But this ham handed bribe was converted into a bogus philanthropic gift -- consciousness of guilt, as it were. The trial date of November 5 may not be set in stone, as the defense is planning a filing under Section 5 of the Classified Information Procedures Act (CIPA) to use classified information. Ho has a $2.1 million account in UBS, but Judge Preska said this wasn't the main factor in denying bail. The sleight of hand on Gadio has no impact on the "Uganda scheme" with Sam Kutesa, with whom UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres has dealings. Guterres still hasn't started an audit of CEFC - which was openly named in the court hearing on October 4 - in the UN. We'll have more on this. This week in court filings the prosecution make it clear how corrupt the UN is, and why it has banned Inner City Press which reports on it: Ho bribed not one but two Presidents of the General Assembly, and brokered weapons not only to Chad but also Qatar, whose Al Jazeera got the exclusive of Guterres' selection as SG and after getting spoonfed by Guterres' spokesman Stephane Dujarric on June 19 collaborated to get Inner City Press roughed up and banned since by Guterres' corrupt UN. And STILL  Guterres, whose son does UNdisclosed business in Angola, Namibia, Sao Tomo and Cabo Verde, has not even started an audit, only roughed up the Press and banned it now for 93 days. From this week's filing: "Evidence of Transactions with Iran The evidence of the defendant’s interest in and willingness to broker transactions in or with Iran principally consists of emails, spanning a multiple-year period. To choose a few examples: In October 2014, the defendant sent his assistant an email stating, “I am going to BJ [i.e., Beijing] this Friday to see [the Chairman of CEFC NGO and CEFC China] on Sat afternoon. The documents I want to send him before hand in separate items are: . . . 7. Iranian connection (brief).”4 On the same date, the defendant sent his assistant another email, attaching a document, which stated, in pertinent part: 7) Iranian Connection . . . Iran has money in a Bank in china which s under sanction. Iran wishes to purchase precious metal with this money. The precious metal is available through a Bank in HK which cannot accept money from the Bank in China which holds the money but is under sanction. The Iranian agent is looking for a Chinese company acting as a middle man in such transactions and will pay commission. (details to be presented orally) The Iranian connection has strong urge to establish trading relationship with us in oil and products . . . . The following year, in June 2015, the defendant received an email that stated, in pertinent part: “The Iranian team will arrive in BJ . . . . See the attached.” The attachment referenced in the email was a PowerPoint presentation entitled “Presentation to Potential Partners Iran Petroleum Investments.” The next day, the defendant forwarded the email to his assistant, stating, “For writing report to [the Chairman of CEFC NGO and CEFC China].”
The following year, in June 2016, the defendant emailed another individual, blindcopying
his assistant, and stated, in pertinent part, “Will get [two executives of CEFC China] to
meet with [oil executive at company with operations in Iran] in BJ, and [another individual] also on another occasion if he comes. You can start organizing these. . . . Other matters ftf [i.e., face to face].” And also "an email exchange in which Gadio asked the defendant: “Do you think CEFC can intervene with the Chinese state to get an urgent, extremely confidential and significant military weapon assistance to our friend [the President of Chad] who has engaged in the battle of his life against the devils of Bokko Haram?,” to which the defendant replied, “Your important message has been forwarded. It is being given the highest level of consideration. Will inform you once I hear back.”
The defendant also sought to and did broker arms transactions unrelated to the Chad and
Uganda schemes charged in this case. For example: In March 2015, an individual sent the defendant an email, stating, “I have the list and end user agreement. Pls advise next step.” On the same day, the defendant replied, in pertinent part, “Find a way to pass them onto me and we can execute that right away[].” The individual replied, “Attached. [W]e have the funding and processing mechanisms in place. If it works nice there will be much more. Also for S. Sudan.” The attachment to this email was a document entitled “End User Certificate,” certifying that the user of the goods in question would be the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Libya. The goods listed on the document included numerous arms. The following month, the defendant sent an email that stated in pertinent part: “It so turns out Qatar also needs urgently a list of toys from us. But for the same reason we had for Libya, we cannot sell directly to them. Is there a way you could act as an intermediary in both cases?” The person whom the defendant emailed replied: “Qatar good chance bc there is no embargo. Libya is another case bc going against an embargo is tricky.” The defendant responded: “Qatar needs new toys quite urgently. Their chief is coming to China and we hope to give them a piece of good news. Please confirm soonest.” This is outrageous, that an NGO still accredited under Guterres was selling weapons into South South, Libya and Qatar. Resign. And, on multiple PGAs: "among the individuals whom the defendant [Patrick Ho] is charged with bribing is Sam Kutesa, the Ugandan Foreign Minister. The Government expects that the evidence will show that the corrupt relationship between the defendant and Kutesa developed between in or about September 2014 and September 2015, when Kutesa was serving as the PGA (specifically, the PGA for the 69th session of the UN General Assembly). The evidence, in both the form of emails and a recorded phone call, also shows that, just
as he did with respect to Kutesa when he was the PGA, the defendant sought to cultivate a
business relationship with Kutesa’s predecessor, John Ashe, who served as the PGA between in
or about September 2013 and September 2014. As he did with Kutesa, the defendant began by introducing himself to Ashe as the Secretary-General of CEFC NGO. And just as he did with
Kutesa when he served as the PGA, the defendant invited Ashe to visit CEFC NGO in Hong Kong and to speak at various events.
In mid-April 2014, Ashe traveled to Hong Kong and met with the defendant and others.
After the trip, Ashe’s aide sent a letter to the defendant thanking the Chairman of CEFC NGO (who was also the Chairman of CEFC China) for the contribution of $50,000 to support the PGA. The aide had solicited the contribution from the defendant prior to the Hong Kong trip, and the defendant had confirmed that CEFC NGO would make the contribution.
In or about early June 2014, the defendant requested that Ashe officiate over a forum that
CEFC NGO was planning to hold at the UN, and also attend and officiate over a luncheon at the UN the following day. (The defendant made virtually the same request of Kutesa once he
became the PGA.) The day before the forum (July 6, 2014), the defendant emailed two business associates of Ashe, who assisted him in raising funds, to invite them to the forum and luncheon and to request their assistance in “urg[ing] the PGA to grace the occasion with his presence and to deliver a short remark.”
On or about the same day, the defendant and one of these associates (“Associate-1”)
spoke by phone. (See Ex. A (draft transcript).) During the call, which was recorded, the
defendant confirmed that he wanted Ashe to attend his event. The following conversation then took place:
Associate-1: So the last question, so sorry if I ask too direct. . . . [H]ave you, made some
contribution to him . . . ?
The defendant: Yeah, we already paid.
Associate-1: Oh you did? OkayThe defendant: Well, not a whole lot but it’s—it’s okay. On a couple of occasions. But I
think the major contribution will come in after we talk about what he can—what he can
help us with.
Associate-1: What you—what you mean major contribution? It’s after he return uh—
leave the job?
The defendant: Yes, yes.
. . .
Associate-1: Wonderful . . . okay.
The defendant: That’s not a—that’s not a problem. The problem is—uh, it’s give and
take.
Associate-1: Give and take. That’s—of course. This is the—this is business, right?
The defendant: Yeah, right.
 2 These two business associates subsequently pleaded guilty to bribing Ashe, based on
conduct unrelated to the defendant and CEFC. Ashe was charged with tax offenses arising from
his allegedly failing to disclose bribe payments as income. He passed away before trial, and the
charges against him were therefore dismissed." We'll have more on this. On July 19, the lawyers for Patrick Ho, led by Benjamin Rosenberg of Dechert LLP, argued before U.S. District Judge Loretta Preska that count after count of the indicts should be dismissed. Edward Kim of Krieger Kim & Lewin LLP tried to get Ho's emails and text messages suppressed, without success. On August 9, Ho's appeal to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals to get out on bail was again denied. Now the prosecution, opposing yet another Ho bail application, has written: "Gadio has been meeting with the Government for some time and he is expected to testify at trial pursuant to a recently executed non-prosecution agreement.  And far from weakening the case, Gadio’s testimony will provide substantial evidence of the defendant’s guilt. As the defendant is well-aware from a written disclosure made by the Government more than four months ago, Gadio is expected to testify, in sum and among other things, that (i) the defendant provided $2 million in cash, concealed within a gift box, to the President of Chad in connection with a business meeting in Chad in or about December 2014, (ii) the President refused to accept this obvious bribe, which Gadio understood was connected to the defendant’s interest in business opportunities in Chad, and (iii) the defendant thereafter drafted a letter to the President, purporting to pledge this $2 million to charitable causes, but the defendant appeared to have no interest in doing charitable works in Chad, and indeed, the defendant never asked Gadio about the status of the purported “donation” or made any other reference to the subject. (See Def. Ltr. Ex. A.) This expected testimony considerably strengthens the Government’s proof beyond the
already-strong case reflected in the detailed Complaint. The Complaint explained that, following a December 2014 business meeting in Chad, the defendant drafted a letter pledging a $2 million so-called “donation” to “the people of Chad at [the President of Chad’s] personal disposal to support [his] social and other programs as [he] see[s] fit.” (Compl. ¶ 28(a).) The Complaint did not, however, explain whether—and at what point—any money was actually paid. Gadio’s expected testimony makes clear that, in fact, the defendant provided $2 million in cash directly to the President, concealed within a gift box, and that the pledge letter was drafted after the bribe had already been offered. Thus, the evidence of the defendant’s intent to bribe the President of Chad is, on the whole, much more robust in light of Gadio’s expected testimony." On September 24, a letter from May was disclosed: UN accredited executive of an NGO still in ECOSOC handed Deby of Chad $2 million in a box, for oil. This is the UN, which won't even audit this scandal. Guterres is corruption - and on September 26 even banned Inner City Press which reports on this from a human rights event. We'll have more on this. On September 15, the day after Ho's co-defendant Cheik Gadio had the case against him dropped by Prosecutor Douglas Zolkind, who ask worked to convict Ng Lap Seng using testimony of apparently still free Francis Lorenzo. Sean Hecker, a lawyer for Mr. Gadio said that “Dr. Gadio looks forward to continuing to cooperate with U.S. authorities." But when Agence France Presse reported it, as picked up in the media in Nigeria, it was "Gadio Is Cleared." Is that how they report, for example, Manafort? It is, you see, a serious UN bribery case, even as UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres not only does not start an audit of who else has been bribed by CEFC and Ho, but audaciously ousts, roughs up and imposes a ban on -- extended on August 17 to life or at least #UNGA73 when representatives of China and Chad, Uganda and Senegal will be in the UN -- the only media, Inner City Press, which asks him about it. Instead his team solicits the same trolls army as before, to monitor and leak files to try to post-facto justify Guterres' censorship. This is corruption, to the heart of the UN. The trial of the still incarcerated Ho begins in November. Somewhere, one imagines, UN PGA Sam Kutesa worries, Chadian head of state Idriss Deby less so. And the UN of Antonio Guterres, implicated, doesn't even audit who at the UN took CEFC's money, preferring instead to rough up, oust and ban the Press which asks. Fox News story here, GAP blogs I and II, Independent here.  On July 19 first Rosenberg argued that under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, if Patrick Ho is a "domestic concern" some counts of the indictment must be dropped. The prosecution called the argument absurd -- Ho is a national of China and a resident of Hong Kong who acted for the "Energy NGO" China Energy Fund Committee in allegedly bribing UN President of the General Assembly Sam Kutesa, as well as Chad's President Idriss Deby - and the judge agreed. Next they argued that even a series of transfers from HSBC in Hong Kong to HSBC in New York to Mashreq Bank in NY to Mashreq Bank in Dubai did not fall under the money laundering statute. The judge, citing the the Daccarett case and Julius Baer cases from DC, disagreed. Periscope video here. The motions to dismiss were denied, and Inner City Press left the court to deal with the UN, where Guterres even has Inner City Press banned from covering his July 20 meeting with US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and Pompeo's press remarks with Nikki Haley, UNwisely held inside the UN. We'll have more on this. Inner City Press made this connection: the president of ECOSOC is Marie Chatardová, Permanent Representative of the Czech Republic to the UN. Her president, in Prague Castle, is Miloš Zeman -- who, like Uganda's Foreign Minister Sam Kutesa when he was UN President of the General Assembly, made Ye Jianming an official adviser. (Inner City Press' CEFC investigative covered has been picked up in the Czech media, for example here.) Now on April 17, Zeman is set to meet this week with another Chinese state owned firm, CITIC and its chairman, Chang Zhenming. CITIC is reportedly seeking to buy a stake in CEFC's Czech-based unit CEFC Europe. So Inner City Press asks, would CITIC buy its way into China Energy Fund Group's consultative status with ECOSOC, presided over by the Czech Republic? The Czech Mission to the UN, and ECOSOC's supposed spokesperson Paul Simon, have yet to answer any of Inner City Press' written questions. This is today's UN, under Antonio Guterres.

Earlier, Zeman sent two officials to Chinese to inquire into the status or, or help, Ye Jianming: chancellor Vratislav Mynár and economic advisor Martin Nejedlý flew to Shanghai on March 13, along with CEFC  European division head Jaroslav Tvrdik, and have now returned. They said Ye “is being investigated for a suspicion of breaking the law,” after meeting CEFC President Chan Chauto. CEFC’s Czech-based unit CEFC Europe said: “CEFC Europe has been informed about the planned change in the shareholder structure in which Mr Ye Jienming will no longer be active as a shareholder nor in the company’s leadership. NOW might Zeman's Representative Chatardová belatedly take action in the UN ECOSOC of which she is President? 

 Inner City Press has repeatedly written to the Czech Mission to the UN, to the attention of
Marie Chatardová as President of ECOSOC, asking how China Energy Fund Committee given all of the above can remain in special consultative status with ECOSOC. The Czech Mission has not answered, including when the question is raised at the UN's televised noon briefing, as Inner City Press asked again on March 19, UN transcript here: Inner City Press: Deputy SG Amina J. Mohammed is going to the Czech Republic about ECOSOC [Economic and Social Council].  So, I was going to and may still ask Brenden [Varma] this, but I wanted to ask you this.  It has arisen that the China Energy Fund Committee, the ultimate owner in Shanghai has purportedly been brought in for questioning, and it turns out he was not only an adviser to Sam Kutesa as PGA [President of the General Assembly], but also an adviser of the Czech Republic President.  The Czech Republic has sent people to sort of look into his situation, but the Czech Republic also has the presidency of ECOSOC.  So, noting that I haven't gotten any answer from the Czech Mission, my question is…

Spokesman:  I think those are questions that you should address to the Presidency of ECOSOC.

Inner City Press: I guess but my question is an overall UN question.  Is there… is there any… it seems like it might be a conflict of interest if your President has a business relationship with an NGO to be in charge of the committee that is either… how do we get an answer if…?

Spokesman:  That is a question for the… that’s a question for Member States.  Member States elect the Presidency of ECOSOC.  They elect the bureau.  Those are Member State questions.  I struggle to answer the questions directed to the Secretary-General.  I think Member States need to answer other questions."  But again, the Czech Mission has not answered repeated written questions. For example:

"Hello - this concerned ECOSOC, reiterating Inner City Press' question from November 28: yesterday in US Federal Court, China Energy Fund Committee was described as a front for bribes paid to former PGA Kutesa and others.

See, e.g.,  HlidacipPes.org, Czech Republic: “Global corruption scandal. The CEFC scrap, which the Czech Republic does not notice much, though it should” [citing Inner City Press' UN corruption coverage]

The US has executed search warrants on this NGO's offices. But it is still saying it is in "special consultative status" with ECOSOC.

What action has been taken by ECOSOC and/or its NGO Committee? How is the months-long inaction consistent with the principles of the UN and ECOSOC?

I asked again yesterday at the UN noon briefing, but am told the Secretariat has or will take no role. So I am asking you again. Please confirm receipt. Thank you in advance."

  The Czech Mission, like Antonio Guterres' Secretariat's spokesperson for ECOSOC, has refused to answer. As to the Czech Republic, the reason for inaction and stonewalling of the Press may now be clear - alongside Antonio Guterres' Secretariat. We'll have more on this.

Nor was the UN even mentioned in the New York Times' story about CEFC - Kutesa was, but not that he was PGA. This is propaganda. This comes while the UN, embroiled in a second corruption case involving Ng Lap Seng whose assistant Jeffrey Yim was sentenced to seven months in prison on February 28 (Inner City Press coverage here), has yet to even remove CEFC from its "special consultative status" to the UN Economic and Social Council. Now with the Chinese government taking action, for whatever its reason, will the UN belatedly move? Inner City Press asked UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric on March 1, video here, UN transcript here: Inner City Press: this China Energy Fund Committee (CEFC) case, the head of the whole organization in China has been called in for questioning, Mr. Ye Jianming.  And I wanted to know, because it seems like since that indictment in November, China Energy Fund Committee has remained with special consultative status… Spokesman:  We've… I've answered that question already.  That is an issue… the Member States… a Member State committee grants that special consultative status to the NGO.  That Member State committee needs to act if they want to withdraw that status. Inner City Press: António Guterres is the head of the UN system.  Does he have… does he have… has he taken note that there are two separate developing UN corruption cases involving briberies taking place at the UN and what’s his response…? Spokesman:  We're very much aware of the issue and our legal counsel… our legal office is cooperating on these cases with the national authorities." We'll have more on this claim. Tellingly, Reuters which barely covers the UN corruption cases - in fact, it has a board seat on the UN Correspondents Association which accepted $50,000 from Ng Lap Seng's South South News - "reports" on the question of  Ye Jianming and CEFC's business in the Czech Republic, Russia (last year's deal for a 14 percent stake in  Rosneft PJSC for $9 billion) and Kazakhstan without even MENTIONING the indictment of Ho of CEFC, and the clear reference to Ye Jianming in the indictment, in connection with Sam Kutesa and the Uganda scheme. We'll have more on this. Ho was denied bail on February 5, in a lengthy oral order that found the weight of evidence against him substantial. On November 20, the US Attorney for the Southern District of New York issued an indictment against the head of the UN ECOSOC accredited China Energy Fund Committee (CEFC) Patrick Ho and former Senegal foreign minister Cheikh Gadio, accused together of bribing Chad's President Idriss Deby -- as well as, for Ho, of bribing former UN President of the General Assembly Sam Kutesa, now as then the foreign minister of Uganda, since 2005, allegedly for the benefit of President Yoweri Museveni. On February 5, Inner City Press asked the UN Spokesman why CEFC is still in "special consultative status" with ECOSOC, transcript here (video here) and below, than ran to the courthouse. There, US District Court Judge Katherine Forrest asked Prosecutor Daniel C. Richenthal to describe the weight of the evidence. "How strong is your case?" she asked, to some laughter. Very strong, he said, adding that Ho has been emailing the "Shanghai-based Energy Company" (that would be CEFC China Energy) from MCC detention, to launch a public relations campaign. It may be backfiring: Judge Forrest in her ruling denying bail noted that if Chinese government press is describing the case as political, it would make fleeing and remaining in China all the easier. Richenthal said that Ho could travel to other places - he listed Chad, Uganda, Iran and Russia. The continued home detention of UN bribery convictee was raised by Richenthal and Judge Forrest, and not favorably. Gadio was alluded to as not yet indicted - he'd said to be talking about a plea - and Judge Forrest emphasized November 5 as the trial date. She said there was leave to re-apply for bail but said such an application should include what Ho's lawyer Mr Kim called the "context" of the payments. Kim said they including country-wide charitable and military aid. From a Chinese energy company? From the UN's February 5 transcript: Inner City Press: Patrick Ho, who is the head of the China Energy Fund Committee, is arguing again for bail today.  And the US, in opposing it, put it in writing that they've executed a search warrant at China Energy Fund Committee, the NGO's (non-governmental organization) offices in Virginia.  It seems the China Energy Fund Committee is still in special consultative status with ECOSOC (Economic and Social Council) even as its offices are being raided and… and its head is in jail.  What are the procedures for… for…? Spokesman:  As far as I'm aware… you know, the consultative status of ECOSOC, as opposed to the DPI (Department of Public Information) status, is one that is managed by the Member States.  There is a committee of ECOSOC that is made up of Member States.  They give… they grant or deny consultative status to various NGOs.  I think we'll have to look… you can contact ECOSOC to see what the exact rules are, but my assumption would be that, if Member States grant, only Member States can take away." So, Guterres is doing nothing. On February 6, after another non-response by ECOSOC's chair, Inner City Press asked Guterres' and Dujarric's Deputy Farhan Haq, video here, UN transcript here: Inner City Press:  yesterday, the… Patrick Ho, the head of the China Energy Fund Committee here, was denied bail.  And in the… in the hearing, basically, the prosecution said and the judge said that she found weight to be given to the evidence that basically the NGO [non-governmental organization] was a front for bribery to Sam Kutesa and others.  So, given that… how this trial is going, I'm wondering, again, Stéphane [Dujarric] had said that the Secretariat plays no role in sort of following through and making sure that China Energy Fund Committee can't continue to say it's a… in special consultative status with ECOSOC [Economic and Social Council].  I've written to the ECOSOC chair now twice, 28 November 2017 and today, but I don't have anything back.  Is there any spokesperson for ECOSOC that can at least say what the process is? Deputy Spokesman:  There is a spokesperson for the President of the Economic and Social [Council], and I can give you that contact afterwards. Inner City Press: Because… because Brenden… oh.  Yeah.  Anyways, I'd written before to that same individual, and there was no response.  I'm just… guess I'm wondering, what is their… what is the… does the Secretary-General… given that trial that's now moving forward and what's coming out in it, does he believe in the same way that he has… asserting himself as to agencies on other issues, that he should maybe get involved to ensure that there's not a… a named briber saying that they're in consultative status with the UN? Deputy Spokesman:  "Well, UN bodies themselves have been dealing with the problems created by the China Energy Fund Committee in their own ways, but what you're talking about is consultative status that's granted by Member States through the Economic and Social Council, and that decision would have to be taken by Member States." Then Inner City Press emailed the alluded to spokesman, one Paul Simon. Hours later, nothing. In advance of the February 5, the prosecution in writing asserted that "since the Complaint was signed and Ho was arrested, the evidence of his guilt has only become stronger, as the Government has interviewed witnesses, executed search warrants (including for the Virginia office of the Energy NGO), and obtained documents from third parties." Tellingly, this Energy NGO, China Energy Fund Committee, is *still* in special consultative status with the UN's Economic and Social Council - and Guterres met with Uganda's Museveni, who is in the complaint, at the same AU summit where Guterres met Sudan's Omar al Bashir, without issuing any read-out. The prosecution's letter cites the "President of the UN General Assembly (the “Ugandan Foreign Minister”). Ho also provided the Ugandan Foreign Minister, as well as the President of Uganda (who is the Ugandan Foreign Minister’s relative), with gifts and promises of future benefits, including offering to let both officials share in the profits of a potential joint venture in Uganda involving the Energy Company and the officials’ family businesses." On January 27, after belatedly dropping CEFC from the UN Global Compact, Guterres in Addis Ababa met Museveni, with Kutesa himself in Addis as well. Museveni tweeted a photo and read out -- "Met UN Secretary General @antonioguterres on the sidelines of the 30th AU Ordinary Summit in Addis Ababa. We discussed regional peace, UN reforms and support for refugees." Meanwhile, consistent his declining transparency, Guterres did not issue any read out. Did the UN bribery scandal come up? Or get further covered up? As Inner City Press pursues this story and others, Guterres and his "Global Communicator" Alison Smale, seen January 26 in South Carolina praising a Chinese airline while mis-allocating funds meant for Kiswahili radio, keep Inner City Press more restricted in the UN than no-show state media. This is censorship for corruption.

Inner City Press has covered the Ho / Gadio, Kutesa / Museveni case and repeatedly asked the UN Spokesman why Secretary General Antonio Guterres has not even started an audit based on the indictment, including of how CEFC got its UN status and even remains in the UN Global Compact espousing anti-corruption goals. On January 16, Inner City Press put the question directly to Antonio Guterres, video here, UN transcript here, and below. Guterres said "I will look into it... We don't want the Compact to have companies that do not abide by the set of principles." But a week passed, and nothing. On January 24, Inner City Press asked again. And on January 25, Guterres' spokesman Stephane Dujarric announced, Matthew you've asked once or twice, the Global Compact has suspended China Energy Fund Committee (CEFC China Energy). But, Inner City Press notes, China Energy Fund Committee is *still* in special consultative status with UN ECOSOC. And there has been no audit of the other connections. We'll have more on this. From the UN's January 16 transcript: Q: Matthew Lee, Inner City Press, on behalf of the Free UN Coalition for Access, hoping for more question and answer in 2018, as you said. In November, there there was an indictment announced in Federal Court downtown of the head of an ECOSOC (Economic and Social Council)-accredited NGO for bribing, allegedly bribing, the President of the General Assembly, Sam Kutesa, to benefit the China Energy Fund Committee. And I wanted to ask you, that remains still in the Global Compact, and there hasn't been even an audit or anything created. Why haven't you started an audit in that case? Why is the beneficiary of what's described as bribery in the UN still in the Global Compact? And how do your reforms preclude or make impossible this type of bribery that's now happened twice under John Ashe, may he rest in peace, and under Sam Kutesa?  SG Guterres: "In relation to other cases, I would like to say that I'm not aware of presence in the Compact or whatever. I will have to look into it. I will look into it. What is clear for me is that we don't want the Compact to have companies that do not abide by the set of principles that were defined in the constitution of the Compact. There is a code of conduct that is there, and that should be respected. So, I don't know exactly what happened in the compact in that regard. I will look into that." We'll see. Ho's lawyers said in court filing he would be asking to be released on bail in connection with his arraignment on January 8, and his argument included that he is the head of "UN recognized" NGO similar, Ho's brief argued, to the American Bar Association, the Salvation Army and the World Jewish Congress.

But when Ho pleaded not guilty to the eight counts against him on January 8, his lawyers did not in fact pursue bail, and declined to comment after. (Sidewalk stakeout photo here, h/t) So, Ho remains in jail. His lawyers' filing, dated January 5, says Ho is "the leader of a non-governmental organization recognized by the United Nations....After leaving government service, Dr. Ho became the Deputy Chairman and Secretary General of the China Energy Fund Committee (“CEFC”), a Hong Kong based non governmental organization that has Special Consultative Status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council. Other organizations with Special Consultative Status include the American Bar Association, the Salvation Army, and the World Jewish Congress." The proposal was for Ho to be released on $10 million bond secured by $2 million in cash, into home detention in Manhattan with electronic monitoring.

We'll have more on this - and this: continuing a trend of under-reporting the UN elements of the Ho / Gadio case, as they did the prior Ng Lap Seng case, Reuters "reports" that Sam Kutesa, who previously served as president of the U.N. General Assembly, has been Uganda’s foreign minister since 2015." Well, no. Kutesa remained foreign minister of Uganda WHILE he was President of the UN General Assembly; cursory research could have shown he began as foreign minister in 2005, not 2015.

The initial complaint has been turned in a full-fledged indictment, signed by the foreperson, that Ho offered bribed to the presidents of Chad and Uganda, and the foreign minister of the latter, Sam Kutesa, who was President of the General Assembly, to benefit the Energy Company. And yet that benefited Energy Company - CEFC China Energy - remains in Antonio Guterres' UN Global Compact, and Guterres has yet to order even an audit. On December 20, before Guterres went on vacation until at least January 2, Inner City Press asked his spokesman Stephane Dujarric, UN transcript here: Inner City Press:  there's now been, by a grand jury in the Southern District of New York, a formal indictment brought back against Patrick Ho, and I wanted to read you… they say in it the… the… the… now a grand jury has given its imprimatur on the claim that the bribes paid… allegedly paid were to obtain business for the energy company, the energy company being CEFC, China Energy [Fund Committee], which remains a U… a member of the UN Global Compact.  I'm just wondering if there's any update… seems like the… it's not… maybe the distinction was between the NGO and the group, but if the bribes were paid specifically for the groups to get energy contracts… Spokesman:  I'm sure colleagues at Global Compact are following up. Inner City Press:  And is the Secretary-General any closer to… to ordering what would seem to be a pretty easy call to have an audit of how… of… of the UN's involvement in this and what it can learn from this? Spokesman:  As I said, when I have something to announce, I will share it with you." After January 2? Today's UN is corrupt. On December 1, Patrick Ho appeared in the Arraignment Part, Courtroom 5A at 500 Pearl Street in Lower Manhattan and applied for bail, which Gadio had gotten on November 27. But this time, following a Pre-Trial Services recommendation that bail be denied and Ho continue in detention, Ho was denied bail. At the UN, there are photos of Ho with the Secretary General, the Under Secretary General of DESA, and many others. There's more. On December 4, Inner City Press asked UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric, Periscope video here (2d half), UN transcript here: Inner City Press: So on Friday in federal court, he was held over.  Bail was denied based on the seriousness of the charges.  Since then, you've… there's been some back and forth on why there's no audit.  But it appears that he was put onto something called the UN High Level Advisory Group on Sustainable Transport (see here), was a member of that.  I've seen an interview he did in the building with UN Radio about presenting a report, that report, I believe, in October 2016 to Ban Ki-moon.  So it seems like he had much greater UN penetration even than Ng Lap Seng did, which triggered an audit.  So I'm wondering, has the UN, whether audit or not, can it say how many times, for example, one issue that came up in the bail hearing was how many times he was in the US in 2017.  So have you… has the UN determined the extent of this now-indicted briber's contact inside the UN, and was he, in fact, on an UN High Level Advisory Group on Sustainable Transport? Spokesman:  "I will check on that.  If I have more to share, I will." This is called a cover up. Where does the US decided to cut off the prosecution? Inner City Press has submitted a Freedom of Information Act request, on which the government has at least for now denied expedited processing, stating only "Your request for Expedited Processing for the FOIA request EOUSA-2018-000784 has been denied. Expedited Disposition Reason: Does not meet standard." This is substantially less detailed that the reasoning, even on the disposition sheet, for Ho's denial of bail. We'll have more on this. During the December 1 hearing Prosecutor Daniel Richenthal said, Google the press coverage of this case and from Hong Kong you'll find articles saying it's political. Inner City Press has covered the case daily since November 20, and asked the UN Spokesman on each business day (it did a TV interview after the court decision, and Periscope video here) - but it is the UN connection which the UN tries to hide. Ho's lawyer said he's been to the US seven times this years. The prosecution said, five times. But how many times has Ho come into the UN? The UN keeps track of this. But will they disclose? Ho's defense lawyer, after a long oral decision against him, said he will appeal. Watch this site. Hhours before Patrick Ho's bail hearing, Inner City Press asked UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric about Gadio's bail being paid, in part, by his spouse the UN's Resident Coordinator in Equatorial Guinea. Dujarric bristled that he hoped his spouse would pay his bail, but then when Inner City Press asked how Gadio got into the UN building for the bribe moves described in the indictment, whether it involved his wife's position as a senior UN official, Dujarric said it would be looked into. Really? Then why has Antonio Guterres not even commissioned an audit, as Ban Ki-moon did after the indictment of Ng Lap Seng? We'll have more on this. Inner City Press has zeroed in on a November 21 event, after the indictment, in which UN DESA used $1 million from CEFC. On November 30, after many rounds of questions from Inner City Press, UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric answered that DESA has suspended work with CEFC pending the outcome of the U.S. case(s). Periscope here, video forthcoming. He could not, however, explain why the $1 million went out the door on November 21 nor why there is yet to be a UN audit. On November 21, Inner City Press had already asked about the indictment, and Antonio Guterres in a typical half-way measure canceled his photo op about the event, but the money was still used. Deputy SG Amina Mohammed never changed her schedule, but the UN now insists she did not speak. The UN also on November 29 declined to confirm to Inner City Press Patrick Ho's role on the steering board picking the winner of the UN DESA Energy Grant. But now even as of November 30 Ho is still listed and pictured on the UN DESA Energy Prize Steering Board, along with former UN official Warren Sach and current UNDP Administrator Achim Steiner, who refused to answer Inner City Press' questions about any post-John Ashe indictment reforms at UNDP ostensibly out of respect for the dead. Reform at the UN is a dead letter. We'll have more on this. After Inner City Press on November 29 asked the spokesman for the President of the General Assembly, this: "The Spokesperson was asked if the President had attended an award ceremony entitled “Powering the Future We Want/UN DESA Energy Grant” on 21 November.
The Spokesperson replied that the President had not attended or participated in any way." But it was still on his schedule as of noon on November 28. What happened? Who decided that backing away, but still taking the money, was OK? If the UN had a Freedom of Information Act, as it should, the answer would be easy. But we will get it nonetheless. Watch this site. UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric on November 27 insisted to Inner City Press that the indictment does not involve enough UN links for oft-traveling Antonio Guterres to order any UN audit, as even Ban Ki-moon did after Ng Lap Seng was indicted; Guterres' DESA even went forward with $1 million from CEFC after the indictment. But beyond other obvious UN links, "CEFC China Energy Company Limited" is a member of the UN Global Compact, click here to view, on which Guterres cannot pass the buck to ECOSOC or to member states generally. CEFC China Energy is the 100% funder of its namesake CEFC of Patrick Ho; signing its UN Global Compact letter was Ye Jianming, who Sam Kutesa made a Special Honorary Adviser to the UN President of the General Assembly, press release and photo here.  When will Guterres' evasions end? Watch this site. Dujarric on November 27 also insisted to Inner City Press that the case does not involve any UN staff member, that no audit (even of the kind done under Ban Ki-moon of Ng Lap Seng's Sun Kian Ip Foundation) is needed. But beyond CEFC's money used by Guterres' UN on November 21, after the indictment, consider this: Gadio is being bailed out by the UN Resident Coordinator in Equatorial Guinea. What did this UN staff member know about what is alleged in the indictment, and when did she know it? Gadio, after having not gotten bailed out on November 22, appeared on November 27 before Federal Judge William Pauley, represented by Debevoise and Plimpton, and obtained conditions for bail. It was Debevoise and Plimpton's counsel who in seeking to get Gadio released made a point of saying that the other Doctor Gadio is a senior UN official, in Equatorial Guinea. Inner City Press now reports: the Resident Coordinator in Equatorial Guinea, and listed owner of 4210 Sugar Pine Court in Burtonsville, Maryland, 20866: Coumba Mar Gadio. So why did Dujarric say so insistently and rudely, this involves no UN staff member? There is more, but we'll start with this -- watch for the UN to try to hide behind family values, as it uses and pollutes the sustainable development goals to cover up the illegal export of natural resources. This is today's UN. Pre-hearing Periscope video here. In the courtroom on November 27 was Senegal's Consul General, who shook his head when the prosecution said that a "Chinese energy conglomate" -- CEFC -- or paradoxically Uganda might help Gadio flee. It emerged that Mrs. Gadio, also a co-signer on the bond and on a $700,000 bank account with Cheikh Gadio, works for the UN in a high position in Equatorial Guinea. Still the UN claims this case has nothing to do with it, and that there is nothing for it to audit. This, from the UN, is a cover up. Post-hearing Periscope here. Earlier on November 27, Inner City Press asked the spokesman of both UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres - whose DESA used $1 million from CEFC after the indictment - and of President of the General Assembly Miroslav Lajcak what has been done at the UN in the week after the indictment. Nothing, it seems. Guterres' spokesman Stephane Dujarric told Inner City Press that he did not read in the indictment anything for the UN to follow up on, contrary to the UN audit conducted under Dujarric's former boss Ban Ki-moon after the indictment of Ng Lap Seng. Lajcak spokesman Brenden Varma told Inner City Press to contact ECOSOC and so it has, with these questions: "Today the PGA spokesman Brenden Varma told me I can only asked ECOSOC. So here are Inner City Press' questions, on deadline: What vetting of CEFC was done before it gained the status is has with ECOSOC? What have been CEFC's activities and appearances with ECOSOC?  Following the indictment of Patrick Ho and the material in the indictment, what steps is the ECOSOC President or other listed on ESOSOC's contact page taking? On deadline." While Inner City Press was afterward told to also email one Paul Simon, this bounced back, slip-sliding away. The first went through, and ECOSOC is on notice, like Guterres and Deputy Amina J. Mohammed. Watch this site. Gadio's role, described in the indictment, was in bribing Chad's long time president Idriss Deby to the tune of $2 million. Now amid calls in Uganda for Kutesa to resign, see below, in Chad they have turned out 2,000 to chant in favor of Deby, channeled by Radio France International. Some ask, $2 million divided by 2,000 is how much, minus the vig? In the U.S. this is called Astro-turf, an artificial surface for a sports stadium, fake grassroots. Similar moves are afoot for Gadio. What is the French connection? We'll have more on this. Contrary to the indictment which says Kutesa stepped down as Foreign Minister during his year as UN PGA, Inner City Press asked him on September 14, 2015 and Kutesa said, "I am still foreign minister." Scoop here, video here. While the UN of Secretary General Antonio Guterres, even after the indictment and Inner City Press' public questions went forward on November 21 with CEFC's money, see below, in Kampala members of Parliament are calling for Kutesa to resign as foreign minister. "President Museveni and Kutesa should resign and give Ugandans a chance to cleanse their country,” Gerald Karuhanga, Ntungamo Municipality MP, said. Joining the call for resignation(s) are Lwemiyaga MP Theodore Ssekikubo, John Baptist Nambeshe (Manjiya County), Nabilah Nagayi (Kampala Woman Representative), Patrick Nsamba (Kassanda North), Monicah Amoding (Kumi Municality), Barnabas Tinkasiimire (Buyaga West) and James Kaberuka (Kinkizi West). Meanwhile the UN, implicated, canceled Guterres' photo op involving the CEFC money but went forward and used it, while the event remained on the schedule of Guterres' Deputy SG Amina J. Mohammed, embroiled in a scandal involving the signing of 4,000 certificates for rosewood illegal logged in Cameroon and Nigeria and already in China. Ironically, she will be delivering the "Nelson Mandela" address. We'll have more on this.   On Thanksgiving eve November 22 at 4 pm in an otherwise empty courthouse at 500 Pearl Street, bail was sought for Gadio, so he could spend Thanksgiving in Maryland. Federal Defender - assigned counsel - Sabrina Shroff lambasted the prosecutors for delaying. She said that unlike Ng Lap Seng, the billionaire Macau-based businessman now still under house arrest despite six guilty verdicts in connection with UN bribery, her client is not a billionaire. Notably, he has said he is financially unable to retain counsel. Judge Marrero did not set him free on bail, setting the matter over for Monday after Thanksgiving. On the elevator down the prosecution was accused of "white man-splaining;" reference was made to Daniel Richenthal, as prosecutor in the Ng Lap Seng trial as well, and to the UN International School. We'll have more on this - and another of Gadio's roles that brought him to the UN Press Briefing Room in October 2015, as "Special Envoy of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) for the Central African Republic." The UN, increasingly, is corrupt. It is alleged that Chadian president Deby took bribes for oil concessions in Chad, and that 2014-15 UN President of the General Assembly Sam Kutesa took bribes for oil concessions in Uganda. Kutesa's predecessor John Ashe died under indictment; the depths of the UN's corruption extend into 2017 with the signing of dubious rosewood export certificates in Nigeria by Secretary General Antonio Guterres' Deputy Amina J. Mohammed and set-aside UN employment for the German Ambassador's wife, via Guterres' chief of staff. At noon on November 21 Inner City Press asked Guterres spokesman Farhan Haq about the indictment and CEFC and its $5 million grant program with UN DESA, transcript here and below. Guterres had a 5:45 pm photo op with the "Winners of the Annual Award of the UN Grant on Sustainable Energy" - which seems to have been funded by China Energy Fund Committee, under the heading "Powering the Future We Want."  He "canceled," photos here, but his Deputy Amina J. Mohammed was still listed giving remarks for / at the event at 1 pm, though at 5:30 pm those remarks were not on her website unlike later 2:30 pm remarks. On November 22 Inner City Press asked their spokesman Farhan Haq, who argued that the indictment is only of "Doctor Patrick Ho" personally, so it was fine to keep and go forward with CEFC's money. (He said Amina J. Mohammed did not speak.) But Ho founded and chairs CEFC, here is a photograph of Ho with UN DESA's former chief. Apparently things are more and more lax under Guterres: even Ng Lap Seng's Sun Kian Ip Foundation's money was returned. (Kutesa was also in the Ng Lap Seng case). Is the UN more hard up? The corruption is not past but current. From the UN's November 21 noon briefing transcript: Inner City Press: there was an indictment yesterday by the US Attorney for the Southern District of New York that's very… I would say… call it UN related.  A company called China Energy Fund Committee was… as alleged, funnelled $500,000 bribes to Sam Kutesa, former President of the General Assembly.  The indictment describes the meetings taking place not… on this very floor, on the second floor, setting up these bribes.  And so I have a couple of questions.  One is… and these were… these… mentioned in the indictment is the President of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, who is… as you know, is a mediator on the Burundi file.  So, I wanted to know, number one, after this indictment, what is the UN's office of OIOS [Office of Internal Oversight Services] doing to look at the… the… the UN persons that may… that… implicated in it?  Two, is China Energy Fund Committee still affil… accredited by ECOSOC [Economic and Social Council]?  And they seem to have a project with DESA [Department of Economic and Social Affairs], a $5 million project with DESA.  And, three, what does this mean for… for the… Mr. [Michel] Kafando's and the Secretary-General's view of the Museveni role in the Burundi mediation? Spokesman:  Well, regarding the question of Burundi mediation, obviously, he has a role separate and apart from the work of our envoy, Michel Kafando.  You just heard a briefing from Mr. Kafando yesterday about what his work is on that.  Regarding Mr. Kutesa, we don't have anything particular to say about his dealings as the Foreign Minister of Uganda.  Obviously, he has served as a General Assembly President, and we want to make sure that all officials of the UN, including the General Assembly President, abide strictly by norms avoiding corruption and bribery.  Obviously, how that is enforced is an issue for the specific Member States, so we would refer you, in this case, to the Member State of Uganda, which is responsible for Mr. Kutesa.  And regarding the CEFC that you just mentioned, yes, they have accreditation at ECOSOC.  We're checking with our colleagues in the Department of Economic and Social Affairs about the nature of their projects and what the status of that is. Inner City Press: There's a $5 million project that's online, which I guess… what I'm saying is, coming after the Ng Lap Seng/John Ashe case, it seems some sort of consonant with it.  Basically, you have a big NGO [non-governmental organization] using UN access to purchase a… if the allegations are true, a PGA [President of the General Assembly].  And so, I guess I'm wondering, from the UN side, beyond referring to the Ugandan mission or whatever else, are there any reflections, number one, on how this process… what due diligence did DESA do before… before linking up with this NGO that's clearly a subsidiary of a Chinese oil company that was paying bribes in Chad, as well? Spokesman:  "Well, the information about them paying bribes is something that's come out today.  The ECOSOC accreditation came out sometime prior to all of this.  So, that's a separate issue.  Regarding the sort of probity we expect from officials, including General Assembly presidents, of course, we know that they belong to Member States, but we want them to uphold the high standards.  This is something we made clear during John Ashe's time.  This is something we're making clear now.  And, of course, I believe my colleague Brenden will have more to say about the presidency of the General Assembly regarding this.  But, again, these are issues that the Member States themselves will need to take responsibility for.  These are officials of Member States.  These are not staff of the United Nations. " The Kutesa scam began in long meetings in the UN PGA's office on the UN's second floor - where the UN now requires investigative Inner City Press to have a minder, unlike other correspondents - between Kutesa and China-based NGO China Energy Fund Committee led by Patrick C.P. Ho. The scheme involved Kutesa naming Ho a "Special Adviser to the PGA," and hosting an NGO meeting in the UN in April 2015. Kutesa traveled as PGA to China as part of the scheme. Ho's approach was through Kutesa's chief of staff Arthur Kafeero, whom as Inner City Press exclusively reported in August 2015 Kutesa tried to plant in the UN's Department of Political Affairs. See Inner City Press scoop here; note that the UN evicted Inner City Press for its corruption coverage in early 2016 and has kept it restricted since, even as UN corruption continues, even grows. And what do the member states do? On November 20 Inner City Press asked UK Permanent Representative Matthew Rycroft about the scandal and he said, "I'll look into that and get back to you." Video here. Update (no comment, cite to SDGs, here). From the US Attorney: "HO caused a $500,000 bribe to be paid, via wires transmitted through New York, New York, to an account designated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Uganda, who had recently completed his term as the President of the UN General Assembly (the “Ugandan Foreign Minister”).  HO also provided the Ugandan Foreign Minister, as well as the President of Uganda, with gifts and promises of future benefits, including offering to share the profits of a potential joint venture in Uganda involving the Energy Company and businesses owned by the families of the Ugandan Foreign Minister and the President of Uganda.  These payments and promises were made in exchange for assistance from the Ugandan Foreign Minister in obtaining business advantages for the Energy Company, including the potential acquisition of a Ugandan bank." We'll have more on this. Sam Kutesa had offshore accounts in the Seychelles, to receive funds from Enhas, a company of which despite the UN denying it to Inner City Press is listed as doing business with the UN's mission in the Congo, MONUSCO. The accounts, but not the UN / MONUSCO connection, have been revealed the leaked Appleby / Paradise Papers. Inner City Press on November 7 asked the spokesman for the President of the General Assembly about it, yielding only an answer that the current PGA is striving to make public his disclosure form but will not speak to former (or clearly, past) PGAs. Video here. But how then can the UN be said to have cleaned up after PGA John Ashe, RIP, was indicted for bribery? We'll have more on this.

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